• Tag Archives tariffs
  • Here’s How Biden Is Making It Even Harder to Buy a Home

    The US housing market is extremely competitive right now; prices are high and houses are selling fast.

    When Molly Rodela — who is a wife as well as a mother to two kids — was finally able to find a suitable house for a reasonable price online, she could not spend any time considering the decision. She contacted her agent, visited the house without her husband, and then put in an offer $20,000 above the asking price all in the same day.

    With her quick action, the Rodelas were able to get the house. But many have not been so lucky.

    Moreover, the factors behind the tight housing market are concerning.

    For homebuilders across the country, it has become harder and harder to create affordably-priced housing. One of the reasons is the increased labor costs associated with a shortage of skilled workers.

    And a huge factor has been the recent spike in the price of lumber. In fact, the National Association of Homebuilders recently reported that the cost of building a new house has gone up by $24,000 due to soaring lumber prices alone.

    For homebuyers, the issue may go from bad to worse.

    The Biden administration recently took the first step to double tariffs on Canadian lumber from roughly nine to 18 percent.

    In doing so, the administration is falling for an age-old economic fallacy.

    In his timeless book, Economics In One Lesson, Henry Hazlitt argued that “The art of economics consists in looking not merely at the immediate but at the longer effects of any act or policy; it consists in tracing the consequences of that policy not merely for one group but for all groups.”

    In other words, Hazlitt believes that we must not assess policy with blinders on, but rather with a broad understanding of the policy’s consequences.

    In the chapter titled “Who’s ‘Protected’ by Tariffs,” he applied this principle to anti-trade protectionism specifically, pointing out that people who support tariffs fall for the fallacy of “considering merely the immediate effects of a tariff on special groups, and neglecting to consider its long-run effects on the whole community.”

    In this case, Biden is justifying his tariff hike by its immediate effects on the American lumber industry. He argues that when Canada subsidizes their lumber industry, they are able to undercut US producers in an unfair way. So, by implementing a tariff on Canadian lumber, Biden is making Canadian lumber more expensive, thus giving American lumber companies a competitive advantage.

    But a true practitioner of the art of economics would then ask: who else does the tariff impact, and how?

    One important question to ask, for instance, would be how does the tariff impact American industries that purchase lumber? The answer: they have to pay higher prices.

    The burden of these increased production costs inevitably ends up being passed onto consumers. Basic economics tells us that when the price of one resource used to produce a good goes up, the price that the consumer eventually pays for that good rises as well.

    This is exactly why home buyers — and consumers of products that use lumber in general — will be the victims of Biden’s lumber tariff.

    A shortage of lumber as a result of the pandemic led to its price in May being up nearly 400 percent over the past year. But prices have begun to drop again because production has started to ramp up. To increase the tariff — which is just an import tax — would serve to restrict the supply of lumber. This would not allow prices to decrease back to pre-pandemic levels.

    The natural consequence of high lumber prices is the increase in price for all of the goods that use lumber in their production. This does not just stop at houses, but rather includes things such as furniture and storage appliances as well. The average consumer will then have to pay a higher price for all of them.

    Tariffs are not only harmful to individual consumers, but the economy as a whole. As Hazlitt points out, “Higher prices in one area mean that they will not be able to spend that money on something else, thus hurting other industries as well.”

    For example, if, because of Biden’s tariff hike, people have to spend more on houses and other things made with lumber, they will have less money to spend on things such as restaurants, tourism, and consumer technology. Therefore, workers and investors in those industries will be economically disadvantaged by the tariffs, too.

    As Hazlitt says, “In order that one industry might grow or come into existence, a hundred other industries would have to shrink.”

    At the core of the matter, President Biden is making the mistake of only looking at the effect of this tariff on a special group — the US lumber industry. But, in doing so, he is neglecting the millions of Americans who — far from being protected — will be economically harmed by the tariff hike, including consumers (especially homebuyers), workers, and investors.

    Tariffs, much like any number of other well-meaning government programs, seem like a plausible solution to certain problems we face. But, if we think like an economist and widen our lens to encompass the bigger picture, it becomes clear that they will primarily hurt the American people.

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    Jack Elbaum

    Jack Elbaum is a Hazlitt Writing Fellow at FEE and an incoming sophomore at George Washington University. His writing has been featured in The Wall Street Journal, Newsweek, The New York Post, and the Washington Examiner. You can contact him at jackelbaum16@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @Jack_Elbaum.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • Yes, a Currency Devaluation Is Very Much Like a Tax


    Britax is a global corporation with a manufacturing hub in Fort Mill, South Carolina where it employs 300. It is there that the company creates car seats for children. Unknown is how long it will continue to.

    While it’s surely risky to draw immediate correlation, James Politi of the Financial Times recently reported that Britax is thinking about relocating. The impetus for relocation is the tariffs the Trump administration has levied on foreign goods.

    It seems the car seat business is a low margin affair, and beginning in 2018, Britax suddenly faced a 10 percent tariff on the textiles it imports to cover its seats. The tax moved up to 25 percent after a breakdown of trade talks this past May, and then this month a new, 15 percent tariff on metallic inputs such as harnesses and buckles was imposed. The taxes levied on imported inputs Britax relies on to complete its car seats has put it at a disadvantage vis-à-vis car-seat makers located outside the U.S. According to Politi, foreign producers of the seats enjoy a tariff exemption care of the “U.S. trade representative for some, but not all, safety products.”

    It’s all a reminder of the basic truth that tariffs are a tax, plain and simple. Not only do they harm the businesses they’re naively assumed to protect by shielding them from market realities, they’re paid for by other businesses reliant on imported inputs; meaning all businesses.T

    Figure that something as prosaic as the pencil is a consequence of global cooperation, so imagine by extension just how much a car seat is the end result of production taking place around the world. In this case, the Trump administration falsely “protects” textile and metal companies located in the U.S., and the bill for the protection is sent to companies like Britax. The tax paid by the latter has shrunk its already slim margins even more.

    Interesting about tariffs is that they bring about agreement among people with differing ideologies. President Trump’s NEC head Larry Kudlow strongly believes that tariffs are a tax, as does Democratic presidential hopeful, and frequent Trump critic, Pete Buttigieg. Tariffs raise the cost of doing business, which means they’re a tax on earnings. It’s all very simple.

    Which is why the quietude about President Trump’s dollar stance is so strange. As some know, Trump would like a weaker dollar. He incorrectly believes a debased greenback would make U.S. industry more competitive. Except that it wouldn’t, and one reason that a falling dollar wouldn’t enhance the health of U.S. corporations is because currency devaluation is 100 percent a tax.

    Tariffs raise the cost of importing simply because a 10, 15 or 25 percent tariff is a tax above and beyond the price of the imported good in question. When Trump imposes tariffs that are paid for by importers, the U.S. Treasury ultimately collects the proceeds of same.

    With devaluation, much the same is at work. In this case, devaluation of the dollar logically raises the cost of importing foreign goods. It also raises domestic prices, but that’s another piece of commentary for another day. For now, it should be said that money is an agreement about value. If the agreement is shrunk such that it means something different, or is exchangeable for less, it’s only logical that the cost of importing foreign inputs is going to rise unless foreign producers are willing to accept haircuts for what they send our way.

    And what about the U.S. Treasury. While it doesn’t collect the “proceeds” of dollar devaluation in the way that it does the false fruits of tariffs, the result is the same. A dollar is yet again an agreement about value. If the exchangeable value of the dollar is shrunk, so shrinks what Treasury owes.

    Devaluation is most certainly a tax, and it has a very similar impact on corporations as a tariff. Not only does it raise the cost of purchasing the inputs necessary to produce market goods, it at the same time shrinks company earnings. If the dollar is devalued, so must shrink the value of the dollars a corporation takes in.

    For those who think a dollar is a dollar is a dollar, think again. No one earns dollars, as much as they earn what dollars can be exchanged for. There’s a big difference. If the value of the dollar decreases, so must we decrease the value of a dollar earned by a business.

    The previous paragraph helps explain why periods of dollar devaluation (think the 1970s, think the 2000s) correlate with greatly subdued stock-market returns. If the market value of a company is a speculation by investors about all the dollars a company will earn in the future, it’s only logical that a devaluation of the currency unit that investors use to attach a value to corporations is going to negatively impact share prices.

    Taking the previous point further, companies logically grow via investment; be it in people, processes, and nearly always both. Investors, as readers of this column well know, are buying future dollar returns when they put money to work. Devaluation logically shrinks the exchangeable value of those returns. Again, it’s a tax.

    Which leads to the final question of this piece: why do honest members of left and right readily acknowledge the tax that is the tariff, all the while ignoring the tax that is devaluation? In each instance policymakers are shrinking the value of individual and corporate work, all the while shrinking what individuals and corporations can get in return for their work.

    Yet Trump’s tariffs bring forth all manner of reasonable (and sometimes unreasonable) hand wringing, while his calls for a shrunken dollar happen mostly without comment. This despite them being the same. Yes, a tariff is a tax. And so is devaluation. Why don’t policy types and candidates for public office speak up about the other devaluation?

    This article is republished with permission from Forbes. 


    John Tamny

    John Tamny is Director of the Center for Economic Freedom at FreedomWorks, a senior economic adviser to Toreador Research & Trading, and editor of RealClearMarkets.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • The Laws of Economics Cannot Be Wished Away


    In areas such as rent control and minimum wage laws there’s an increasing tendency to ignore the basic laws of economics, and hope they somehow don’t apply to the policy being considered.

    President Trump provided another example in this recent tweet:

     

    There are multiple errors here. The first sentence is incorrect; the yuan was much lower when I first visited Beijing in 1994. The second sentence is also incorrect, for two different reasons. Currency manipulation is defined as artificially depreciating a currency to create a current account surplus. China’s current account is roughly balanced, and the depreciation reflected market forces. So there is no currency manipulation, no “major violation” of any agreement.

    One irony here is that it is President Trump’s policies that have caused the yuan to depreciate, as is explained in any principles of economics textbook. When country A puts tariffs on the exports of country B, the currency of country A will appreciate and the currency of country B will depreciate. This is ECON 101.

    In a world with more than two countries, there will be additional effects. China’s currency depreciation will push it to sell more goods to third parties, such as Europe. That will cause depreciation of the euro—another issue that Trump has complained about. Because the dollar would be expected to appreciate against almost all currencies, the US will buy more goods from third parties.

    Textbooks also teach us that tariffs will not improve the trade balance, which depends on saving/investment imbalances. Textbooks also tell us that a major fiscal stimulus will cause the trade deficit to get larger. And that’s exactly what has happened, the trade deficit has become even “worse” over the past two years in response to Trump’s enormous fiscal deficits.

    Trump’s reference to the Fed is an allusion to his earlier plea that the Fed manipulate the dollar lower. It’s not clear why he would want the Fed to do that, as in the final sentence he says that currency manipulation will weaken China over time. So why encourage the Fed to manipulate the dollar? Wouldn’t that also weaken America over time?

    Here’s King Canute:

    This article is republished with permission from the Library of Economics and Liberty.


    Scott Sumner

    Scott B. Sumner is the director of the Program on Monetary Policy at the Mercatus Center and a professor at Bentley University. He blogs at the Money Illusion and Econlog.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.