• Tag Archives COVID-19
  • Epidemiologist: Sweden’s COVID Response Isn’t Unorthodox. The Rest of the World’s Is

    Sweden’s approach to the COVID-19 pandemic continues to draw scrutiny, both praise and criticism.

    One thing critics and supporters agree on is that Sweden’s “lighter touch” approach, which encourages social distancing through softer measures in lieu of mass closures, is unorthodox or exceptional.

    This is not entirely true, however.

    As Sweden’s top infectious disease expert recently explained, Sweden’s approach to the pandemic is more orthodox than the current lockdown approach, at least compared to historical standards.

    “Are the people closing society completely, which has really never been done before, more or less orthodox than Sweden?” Anders Tegnell asked recently. “[Sweden is doing] what we usually do in public health: giving lots of responsibility to the population, trying to achieve a good dialogue with the population, and achieve good results with that.”

    Tegnell’s point deserves attention. While nations today appear comfortable instituting mass lockdowns to prevent the spread of a deadly respiratory virus, the practice appears to be unprecedented.

    History shows that isolating sick people is a practice that goes back thousands of years. The first recorded practice appears to come from the Old Testament, which mandates in some verses, such as Numbers 5: 2-3, the isolation of people with leprosy.

    There is also historical precedent for quarantining people suspected of being carriers of deadly disease. This practice, according to FiveThirtyEight, appears to date back to the 14th century, when the Croatian city of Dubrovnik began quarantining merchants and other travelers outside the city for 30 days in case they had become infected with the plague during their travels.

    History suggests Tegnell is correct: the practice of states ordering millions of healthy people to remain in isolation for weeks on end appears to have had no precedent—until China ordered the largest mass quarantine in human history.

    This matters for several reasons. For one, because we’re in uncharted waters, we have no way of knowing how effective such a quarantine will be. Prior to the experiment, health policy experts expressed skepticism of the strategy.

    “There are reasons to be skeptical of the efficacy of quarantine, for respiratory diseases [like coronavirus] in particular,” Wendy Parmet, director of the Center for Health Policy and Law at Northeastern University Law School, told FiveThirtyEight in February.

    Second, we have no way of knowing the costs of mass lockdowns—though we are beginning to see them: mass unemployment, hundreds of thousands of businesses going under, retirements wiped out, surging government spending, and widespread emotional distress.

    If the current approach to the COVID pandemic is unprecedented, it invites questions. Particularly, why now? Why this time?

    After all, the United States has had no shortage of deadly epidemics. From the Yellow Fever of 1793 in Philadelphia, then the nation’s capital to the Spanish Flu of 1918 to the “Asian flu” pandemic of 1957–58, Americans have struggled mightily against diseases that have in many cases been more deadly than COVID-19.

    Indeed, as recently as 2006, when the world was grappling with the fast-mutating Avian Flu, lockdowns were “viewed as impractical, unnecessary and politically infeasible,” The New York Times reports.

    One of the leading critics of the policy at the time was Dr. D.A. Henderson, who led the international effort to eradicate smallpox.

    “Dr. Henderson was convinced that it made no sense to force schools to close or public gatherings to stop. Teenagers would escape their homes to hang out at the mall,” the Times reports. “School lunch programs would close, and impoverished children would not have enough to eat. Hospital staffs would have a hard time going to work if their children were at home.”

    State-enforced social distancing would “result in significant disruption of the social functioning of communities and result in possibly serious economic problems,” Henderson wrote in a 2006 academic paper, responding to a federal social distancing proposal whose origins stemmed from a 14-year-old girl’s science project and a trip to the library made by George W. Bush.

    Henderson, who died in 2016, proposed a different course: Let the pandemic run its course, treat and isolate the sick, and work rapidly to develop a vaccine.

    Henderson ultimately lost that argument. But again, the question is, why?

    Utopianism and collectivism are a dangerous cocktail of ideas, it seems. The concoction has given intellectuals an outsized faith in the efficacy of central planning.

    Henderson’s approach of letting a pandemic run its course while treating the sick simply wasn’t palatable to experts and bureaucracies who had concluded long ago that central planning could solve any problem, even the spread of a highly-contagious, invisible virus carried by millions of asymptomatic humans.

    “The Modern Era was to be one of plans and proposals, which is to say futurist to the point of bigotry,” the great historian Jacquest Barzun wrote in his classic work From Dawn to Decadence.

    As Anders Tegnell has argued, the lockdowns are not really based on science. It’s more accurate to say the lockdowns are based on ideology. One might even say faith.

    It was this faith that led dozens of governments around the world to enforce lockdowns that have done very little to contain COVID-19 but have wreaked mass economic and psychological havoc.

    If central planning is the new orthodoxy—a word defined as an “adherence to correct or accepted creeds, especially in religion”—Sweden should wear its “unorthodox” label as a badge of honor.


    Jon Miltimore

    Jonathan Miltimore is the Managing Editor of FEE.org. His writing/reporting has been the subject of articles in TIME magazine, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, Forbes, Fox News, and the Star Tribune.

    Bylines: The Washington Times, MSN.com, The Washington Examiner, The Daily Caller, The Federalist, the Epoch Times.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • ‘A Year’s Worth of Suicide Attempts in Four Weeks’: The Unintended Consequences of COVID-19 Lockdowns

    The costs of the government responses to the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic have been severe. New evidence suggests they could be even worse than we imagined.

    An ABC affiliate in California reports that doctors at John Muir Medical Center tell them they have seen more deaths by suicide than COVID-19 during the quarantine.

    “The numbers are unprecedented,” said Dr. Michael deBoisblanc, referring to the spike in suicides.

    “We’ve never seen numbers like this, in such a short period of time,” deBoisblanc added. “I mean we’ve seen a year’s worth of suicide attempts in the last four weeks.”

    Kacey Hansen, a trauma nurse who has spent 33 years at the hospital, said she has never witnessed self-inflicted attacks on such a scale.

    “What I have seen recently, I have never seen before,” Hansen said. “I have never seen so much intentional injury.”

    To date, there is little evidence that lockdowns have reduced the spread of COVID-19. But even if there were compelling evidence that lockdowns were saving lives, it would be a mistake to ignore the manifold unintended consequences of stay-at-home orders.

    As economist Antony Davies and political scientist James Harrigan explain, “every human action has both intended and unintended consequences. Human beings react to every rule, regulation, and order governments impose, and their reactions result in outcomes that can be quite different than the outcomes lawmakers intended.”

    The problem with negative unintended consequences is two-fold.

    First, as Ludwig von Mises, observed, every government intervention in markets creates unintended consequences, which often lead to more calls for government interventions which have more unintended consequences, and so on. Second, as Frédéric Bastiat pointed out, we tend to focus our attention more on the intended consequences than the unintended ones. (Think of government assistance and the poverty trap.)

    The unintended consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic have been severe. Most of the attention, however, has been focused on the economic consequences. Forty million US jobs lost. A looming recession. Hundreds of thousands of businesses wiped out and retirements destroyed.

    The psychological and physiological unintended consequences of stay-at-home orders have received less attention. Media have been largely transfixed on COVID-19, reporting daily death tolls and rising case numbers in states easing lockdown restrictions (while failing to note that COVID cases are rising because of expanded testing).

    To be sure, measuring the impact on mental health is trickier than measuring COVID-19 fatalities or job losses. But that is no reason to discount the psychological and physical impact of lockdowns, especially when evidence suggests the toll is severe.

    A recent Wall Street Journal report shows a surge in the number of people taking drugs for anxiety and insomnia, prompting physicians to warn about the long-term risks of increased prescriptions, which include drug addiction and abuse.

    Stay-at-home orders may seem relatively benign, but they are not. Science shows that human beings struggle mightily in isolation from one another.

    As The New York Times reported in 2016, social isolation isn’t just harmful, it’s quite deadly:

    A wave of new research suggests social separation is bad for us. Individuals with less social connection have disrupted sleep patterns, altered immune systems, more inflammation and higher levels of stress hormones. One recent study found that isolation increases the risk of heart disease by 29 percent and stroke by 32 percent.

    Another analysis that pooled data from 70 studies and 3.4 million people found that socially isolated individuals had a 30 percent higher risk of dying in the next seven years, and that this effect was largest in middle age.

    Loneliness can accelerate cognitive decline in older adults, and isolated individuals are twice as likely to die prematurely as those with more robust social interactions. These effects start early: Socially isolated children have significantly poorer health 20 years later, even after controlling for other factors. All told, loneliness is as important a risk factor for early death as obesity and smoking.

    Anecdotal evidence, like the testimony of doctors at John Muir Medical Center and reported surges in calls to suicide hotlines around the country, suggest the mental toll of lockdowns could be as great as the material costs. (Indeed, they likely go hand-in-hand.)

    We’ll have months if not years to debate whether the lockdowns were effective or the right thing to do. What’s important to remember is the stay-at-home orders come with a host of unintended consequences that we have not yet even begun to measure or understand.

    For his part, Dr. DeBoisblanc has seen enough to convince him that it’s time to lift stay-at-home orders and let people return to their communities.

    “Personally, I think it’s time,” he said. “I think, originally, this was put in place to flatten the curve and to make sure hospitals have the resources to take care of COVID patients. We have the current resources to do that, and our other community health is suffering.”


    Jon Miltimore

    Jonathan Miltimore is the Managing Editor of FEE.org. His writing/reporting has been the subject of articles in TIME magazine, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, Forbes, Fox News, and the Star Tribune.

    Bylines: The Washington Times, MSN.com, The Washington Examiner, The Daily Caller, The Federalist, the Epoch Times.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • The FDA Can Only “Fast-Track” Medicine Because It Slow-Tracked It in the First Place

    In the midst of the COVID-19 crisis, tens of thousands of people within pharmaceutical companies are working hard on tests, on medicine and methods to save those who are ill, on antiviral drugs and on vaccines. Many of these efforts have been fast-tracked by regulatory bodies such as the FDA. This is all and well. But this is also a good time to ask ourselves why this fast-tracking was necessary. Why are medicine and equipment “slow-tracked” in more normal times? And what are the consequences of the normal procedure compared to what we see with regard to COVID-19?

    In late December, at the beginning of the COVID-19 epidemic, the non-crisis, standard slow-tracking process was in effect. It belonged to the CDC to develop tests for the virus and even the CDC needed an “emergency use authorization.” Already available tests from other countries would have required lengthy FDA approval and even when the sense of urgency increased, hospital labs were discouraged from quickly developing their own in-house tests. These labs also realized that the FDA application process was too complicated for them. Only on February 29 did the FDA fast-track the process.

    Fast-tracking is not unique to COVID-19. It is a common recourse in times of crisis. Normal procedures and regulations are set aside and we adapt to the exigencies at hand. Heroic feats of engineering were achieved during World War II. When faced with disruption, private companies form “skunkworks” to short-circuit their own, self-imposed bureaucracy and regulations.

    In modern times, we usually live in calm, safe, quite well-organized societies. This allows us to indulge in what seems an unstoppable human urge to regulate. When we apply this urge to risk management, we come up with government organizations such as the FDA. That the creation of a regulatory body is a problem in and of itself is a well-known fact; a regulatory body must keep regulating to justify its very existence.

    But leaving that aside, such regulatory organizations give us a warm and fuzzy feeling of order and of security. After all, these organizations are populated by thousands of government experts. Aren’t they fatherly figures who can make us safer? When a new risk is identified, we clamour for their intervention. After all, strict regulations, and the stricter the better, should provide us with security. If that were only the case…

    On the contrary, our risk aversion and our urge to regulate by means of government bureaucracies have devastating effects on our ability to make scientific and technological progress in any area that is regulated. This is something that Aaron Wildavsky discusses in his gem of a book, Searching for Safety.

    The reasons for this are at least fourfold, although they are intimately related. First of all, a rich society such as ours can afford to spend more on safety. But secondly, a society that instead accepts risks can pursue risk reductions through trial and error. In all fields, errors are essential. Without the possibility of error, innovation is blocked like a clogged drain. We commonly cannot “think our way forward.” Instead, much of the time we must actually try to see if something works or not.

    When we instead seek to avoid all risks, which is what modern regulatory bodies commonly do, we tend to pursue a strategy of trial without error; we try to guarantee beforehand what is impossible, that no new technology will ever produce any negative effects, and we therefore forego both the (often much larger) positive effects, as well as the learning we gain through errors. The method of trial without error is slow, prohibitively expensive, and wasteful with regard to risk mitigation.

    Thirdly, with trial and error, we only need to mitigate those risks that actually materialize. These will usually be only a fraction of those risks we would seek to mitigate using trial without error. And fourthly, as a consequence of lower costs, when accepting and even embracing the possibility of error, we can also explore a much larger range of options, instead of just the few we can afford to consider, and have time to consider, when we try to work out every last detail beforehand.

    Of course trial and error does not mean that risk avoidance goes out the window. But it becomes much less intrusive and much more flexible.

    On the positive side, because we have agencies such as the FDA that regulate the pharmaceutical industry, many trials and some often-deadly errors are prevented. But, on the negative side, precisely because we do not risk any error and harm, as a net result, tens, possibly hundreds of thousands of other people have their lives shortened each year in the USA due to the resulting slowing down of progress. Drugs are delayed, often by years. The number of trials of different drugs are much smaller. Getting FDA approval costs enormous amounts of money that only large pharmaceutical companies can afford, and we therefore also have much fewer but larger and less nimble pharmaceutical companies than we would otherwise have. The same goes for all other industries subject to government regulations.

    Without the existence of the FDA, and associated regulations, patients and doctors would still seek reassurance. We know, or should know what then happens. Private certifiers will find a market, and immediately step in to provide such reassurance for patients and doctors. Also, industry organizations will spring up to provide similar services, for example through careful vetting of members. And in the end, false claims can be pursued through the courts.

    One of the most celebrated features of the medical profession, the over 2,400-year-old Hippocratic Oath, that doctors swear in some form to this day, is an example of such a private-sector, confidence-generating device. It appeared precisely because doctors had to find some way to reassure patients in an unregulated market within 1200 to 1500 independent Greek city states.

    The abolition of the FDA would lead to medical research seeming messy and much less well-organized. But it would be far more vibrant. Just how much innovation would be sped up without the existence of FDA-like bodies, we simply cannot know; all we can say is that the effects will be very large. Usually, when markets are freed up in other areas, the effects are stupendous.

    Is it politically possible to abolish the FDA? Maybe, in particular if we take a hard look at what we are currently doing. As today’s sense of urgency shows, as soon as there are large risks to combat, such as the COVID-19 crisis, the warm and fuzzy, but misplaced feeling of having the FDA, is largely set aside. Not completely, but still. We abandon the usual slow-tracking and instead fast-track medicine with lower and/or more flexible regulatory demands. By extension, both in a time of crisis, and in times of calm, a world without the FDA would be a world in which progress is always fast-tracked.

    Erik Lidström


    Erik Lidström

    Author of Education Unchained—What it takes to restore schools and learning (Rowman & Littlefield 2015).

     

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.