• Tag Archives statism
  • A Startup Designed a Cheap Alternative to Braces. Orthodontists (Naturally) Want It Regulated.

     

    I have an economist friend who nags me (appropriately) for not sufficiently discussing supply-side solutions to the high cost of medical care in the United States. Here’s one step in righting the balance.

    Kayla Stetzel, a Spring 2018 intern at Reason, writes in “Start-Ups Make Cheap Alternative to Braces, Dental Trade Groups Cry for Regulation,” May 3:

    Braces are a burden. People have to miss work, arrange for child care, and travel to the orthodontist office over the span of a two to three years. Teens have to cut classes and ditch those after-school events to make room for appointments. Then there’s the price. Traditional Braces cost on average $5,000. Invisalign—a clear, plastic alternative to braces that is available only through licensed dental care providers—runs around $8,000.

    SmileDirectClub’s aligners—clear plastic mouth guards designed to straighten teeth—cost $1,850. CandidCo., another dental startup, charges $1,900. The fitting and monitoring uses a telemedicine model. Customers who can’t or don’t want to get their teeth scanned in-store can have impression kits delivered straight to their door. “Aligners” based on those molds are then delivered to customers at home. It’s part of an emerging trend in dental care known as teledentistry, which uses alternative platforms like mobile apps, video chats, and dashboards to give people remote access to dental care.

    The stark difference in cost and convenience matters. Many insurance companies do not cover orthodontic work, which is cosmetic for 98 percent of consumers. Private plans typically have a small cap for orthodontic coverage, leaving most people on their own to foot the bill. The AAO states that roughly 80 percent of Americans could benefit from orthodontics, yet less than four million people receive orthodontic treatment each year. According to the ADA, high costs are the chief reason why one-third of Americans don’t receive adequate dental care.

    Notice the price difference between this new technology for orthodontics and the old. You can see why orthodontists are arguing against it: some of them would lose their jobs and many of them would lose income from this new Schumpeterian competition.

    Incentives Matter

    Also, as the third paragraph above implies, it shouldn’t be surprising that we see such cost-saving technologies in orthodontics. Just as with Lasik eye surgery or elective plastic surgery, when customers are paying a huge percent—in many cases, 100 percent—of the bill, they are quite sensitive to costs.

    IBy the way, this shows that my emphasis on reforming the demand side of health care—one of the main ways being by having the customer face more of the incremental cost—might be justified. If customers face more of the cost, they will be more open to, and many will advocate, reforms on the supply side.

    Aside: On the Hillsdale College website, Ms. Stetzel writes that she “plans on attending law school with the intent of becoming an entertainment attorney.” That could make sense. I hope she doesn’t too quickly reject being a writer on public policy. She has a knack.

    Reprinted from the Library of Economics and Liberty.


    David R. Henderson 65

    David Henderson is a research fellow with the Hoover Institution and an economics professor at the Graduate School of Business and Public Policy, Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California. He is editor of The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics (Liberty Fund) and blogs at econlib.org.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.



  • King George III Would Have Loved Today’s Gun Control Movement

     

    The only “common sense gun control” that its advocates are eventually going to agree on is to take your guns away. And you won’t get them back. How do I know that? That’s exactly what they did in Europe.

    Much has been said in recent week in the United States about “common sense gun control,” and not being a U.S resident is likely going to get me a great deal of vitriol. After all, it happens to be a regular occurrence that when Europeans comment on the American gun debate, they do so with a big deal of ignorance about both guns, gun culture, and the United States as a whole. A noticeable difference in history education between my American friends and myself was that we weren’t taught American independence as something fundamentally important, but as more of yet another lost war in European history. You win some, you lose some. That this loss has brought about one of the most fundamental state philosophies of freedom goes unnoticed in the European education system.

    The fact that American revolutionaries stood up to the tyrannical rule of the British Empire, especially that they were up against an experienced military that was feared on the European continent, is important. Their bravery to take up arms against an oppressor is exactly what drove the French Revolution. Its decision to include the values of individual liberty in its founding documents was shared by the French revolutionaries as well, as they did with the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in 1789, the same year that the Bill of Rights was written.

    The fact that the United States enshrined the right to keep and bear arms is because the Founding Fathers drew the right conclusions from the revolution they had undertaken. Their move was bold and protective, and it was the correct one. While the Founders were building a minimal state that protected the freedom of its citizens, the French Revolution resulted in the so-called Reign of Terror in which anti-monarchists rounded up and executed those who had supported the King. They were able to because they were facing an unarmed populace.

    What is even more interesting is that modern-day gun control advocates agree with this analysis. One of their more regular responses is that “the Bill of Rights was written at a very different time,” admitting that it had its legitimacy then. If it had legitimacy back then because King George III of the United Kingdom could decide to overthrow the revolutionaries in an attempt to regain his territory and because the threat of new government becoming tyrannical was real, then what has changed? Is the United States immune to a foreign attack? Is government unable to become tyrannical? The Second Amendment might be old, but the concerns it expressed are just as accurate today as they were in the 18th century.

    Saying that the circumstances don’t allow the common man to own a firearm anymore is probably what King George III would have claimed as well. He would certainly have sympathized with people who are more suspicious of their own neighbors than those in the political offices far away from their homes. The exploitation of a tragedy for the gain of governmental control has repeatedly lead to authoritarian regimes.

    The Power of Government

    The essential question about government power isn’t who should wield it, but who could wield it. If there is the possibility of a tyrant gaining access to the highest offices (and according to many Americans, that is already the case), then wouldn’t you want constitutional provisions protecting you against that? The idea of tilting the balance between liberty and complete control as much as possible to liberty is because the people who have access to power are dangerous, whether they have good intentions or not.

    Look to Europe if you’re interested where the gun control advocates will lead you: the European Union adopted even tougher gun control measures last year.

    Some dangerous semi-automatic firearms have now been added to category A and are therefore prohibited for civilian use. This is the case for short semi-automatic firearms with loading devices over 20 rounds and long semi-automatic firearms with loading devices over 10 rounds. Similarly, long firearms that can be easily concealed, for example by means of a folding or telescopic stock, are also now prohibited.”

    The Union also enhanced control of the supervision of firearm owners as well as the sale of guns, even if they are merely deactivated objects for collectors. When the United States focuses the gun ban debate on AR-15s after a shooting is committed with this firearm, then there seems to be a reasonable connection to be drawn. In this case, the EU regulated firearms which weren’t used in the terrorist attacks in Brussels or Paris, yet it used those attacks as a reason to tighten controls. This shows that gun control advocates don’t actually need a connection to the act in question in order to argue for less gun accessibility.

    In most European countries, the administrative burden of going through the process to even own a gun paired with the associated costs makes it impossible for a large number of people to become firearm owners. Owning a gun makes you a rare breed of people. Believing in people’s right to carry guns makes you a dying species.

    Interestingly, the idea that a trained civilian can save lives if in possession of a gun seems to be accepted by France, which allowed off-duty police officers to carry their guns after the terrorist attacks in 2015. The narrative is much less about the use of guns than about a state-monopoly of its use. Once again, King George III would agree.

    The Slippery Slope Is Real

    Americans should be aware that the notion of “banning all guns” is not just a concept by conservative radio show hosts to rally people against politicians, but it’s very much what the state will do if constitutional protections are removed. This is why the Czech Republic, a relatively gun-friendly country, has seen legislative initiatives to constitutionally enshrine gun rights in order to serve as a protection against decisions by the European Union. Once launched, the legislative avalanche of anti-gun rights laws are hard to stop: EU legislators pass the bills as fast as they get suggested. The debates on the issue are minimal.

    Once governments have normalized a disarmed populace, it will be virtually impossible to regain the principle of responsible gun ownership as a debate in the houses of democracy, and even less in the minds of the man in the street.


    Bill Wirtz

    Bill Wirtz is a Young Voices Advocate. His work has been featured in several outlets, including Newsweek, Rare, RealClear, CityAM, Le Monde and Le Figaro. He also works as a Policy Analyst for the Consumer Choice Center.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • 3 Facepalm Moments in Regulation

    As a policy wonk, I mostly care about the overall impact of government on prosperity. So when I think about the effect of red tape, I’m drawn to big-pictures assessments of the regulatory burden.

    Here are a few relevant numbers that get my juices flowing.

    • Americans spend 8.8 billion hours every year filling out government forms.
    • The economy-wide cost of regulation reached $1.75 trillion in 2010.
    • For every bureaucrat at a regulatory agency, 100 jobs are lost in the economy’s productive sector.
    • A World Bank study determined that moving from heavy regulation to light regulation “can increase a country’s average annual GDP per capita growth by 2.3 percentage points.”
    • Regulatory increases since 1980 have reduced economic output by $4 trillion.
    • The European Central Bank estimated that product market and employment regulation has led to costly “misallocation of labour and capital in eight macro-sectors,” and also found that reform could boost national income by more than six percent.

    But one thing I’ve learned over the years is that I’m not normal.

    Most people don’t get excited about these macro-type calculations.

    Instead, they’re far more likely to get agitated by regulations that make their daily lives a hassle. Such as:

    I certainly can sympathize. It’s galling that the clowns in Washington have made our existence less pleasant.

    Most people also are quite responsive to anecdotes about red tape. Simply stated, big-picture numbers are like a skeleton, while real-world examples put meat on the bones.

    Today, let’s look at some absurd examples of the regulatory state in action.

    We’ll start with bone-headed pizza regulation, as explained by the Wall Street Journal.

    FDA released guidance for posting calorie disclosures at restaurants with more than 20 locations, and the ostensible point is to help folks choose healthier foods. The regulations…are an outgrowth of the 2010 Affordable Care Act… The reason some restaurants have spent years fighting these rules is not because executives lay awake at night plotting how to make Americans obese. It’s because the rules are loco. …Take pizza companies, which have to display per slice ranges or the number for the entire pie. Calories vary based on what you order—the barbarians who put pineapple on pizza are consuming fewer calories than someone who chooses pepperoni and extra cheese. But the number of pepperonis on a pizza depends on the pie’s size and whether someone also adds onions and sausage. ..The rules are so vague that companies could face a crush of lawsuits, which will be abetted by this “nonbinding” FDA guidance.

    By the way, you won’t be surprised to learn that academic researchers have found these types of rules have no effect on consumer choices.

    A systematic review and meta-analysis determined the effect of restaurant menu labeling on calories and nutrients…were collected in 2015, analyzed in 2016, and used to evaluate the effect of nutrition labeling on calories and nutrients ordered or consumed. Before and after menu labeling outcomes were used to determine weighted mean differences in calories, saturated fat, total fat, carbohydrate, and sodium ordered/consumed… Menu labeling resulted in no significant change in reported calories ordered/consumed… Menu labeling away-from-home did not result in change in quantity or quality, specifically for carbohydrates, total fat, saturated fat, or sodium, of calories consumed among U.S. adults.

    Shocking, just shocking. Next thing you know, someone will tell us that Obamacare didn’t lower premiums for health insurance!

    For our second example, we have a surreal story out of California.

    A farmer faces trial in federal court this summer and a $2.8 million fine for failing to get a permit to plow his field and plant wheat in Tehama County. A lawyer for Duarte Nursery said the case is important because it could set a precedent requiring other farmers to obtain costly, time-consuming permits just to plow their fields. “The case is the first time that we’re aware of that says you need to get a (U.S. Army Corps of Engineers) permit to plow to grow crops,” said Anthony Francois, an attorney for the Pacific Legal Foundation. “We’re not going to produce much food under those kinds of regulations,” he said. …The Army did not claim Duarte violated the Endangered Species Act by destroying fairy shrimp or their habitat, Francois said. …Farmers plowing their fields are specifically exempt from the Clean Water Act rules forbidding discharging material into U.S. waters, Francois said.

    Wow, sort of reminds me of the guy who was hassled by the feds for building a pond on his own property. Or the family persecuted for building a house on their own property.

    Last but not least, our third example contains some jaw-dropping tidbits about red tape in a New York Times story.

    Indian Ladder Farms, a fifth-generation family operation near Albany, …sells homemade apple pies, fresh cider and warm doughnuts. …This fall, amid the rush of commerce—the apple harvest season accounts for about half of Indian Ladder’s annual revenue—federal investigators showed up. They wanted to check the farm’s compliance… Suddenly, the small office staff turned its focus away from making money to placating a government regulator. …The investigators hand delivered a notice and said they would be back the following week, when they asked to have 22 types of records available. The request included vehicle registrations, insurance documents and time sheets—reams of paper in all. …the Ten Eyck family, which owns the farm, along with the staff devoted about 40 hours to serving the investigators, who visited three times before closing the books. …This is life on the farm—and at businesses of all sorts. With thick rule books laying out food safety procedures, compliance costs in the tens of thousands of dollars and ever-changing standards from the government…, local produce growers are a textbook example of what many business owners describe as regulatory fatigue. …The New York Times identified at least 17 federal regulations with about 5,000 restrictions and rules that were relevant to orchards. …Mr. Ten Eyck…fluently speaks the language of government compliance, rattling off acronyms that consume his time and resources, including E.P.A. (Environmental Protection Agency), OSHA (Occupational Safety and Health Administration), U.S.D.A. (United States Department of Agriculture) and state and local offices, too, like A.C.D.O.H. (Albany County Department of Health).

    And here’s an infographic that accompanied the article.

    Wow. No wonder a depressingly large share of the population prefers to simply get a job as a bureaucrat.

    Needless to say, this is not a system that encourages and enables entrepreneurship.

    Which is why deregulation is a good idea (and Trump deserves credit for making a bit of progress in this area). We need some sensible cost-benefit analysis so that bureaucracies are focused on public health rather than mindless rules.

    And it also would be a good idea in many cases to rely more on mutually reinforcing forms of private regulation.

    Since I’m a self-confessed wonk, I’ll close by sharing this measure of the ever-growing burden of red tape. I realize it’s not as attention-grabbing as anecdotes and horror stories, but it is very relevant if we care about long-run growth and competitiveness.

    P.S. On the topic of regulation, I admit that this example of left-wing humor about laissez-faire dystopia is very clever and amusing.

    P.P.S. I’ve used an apple orchard as an example when explaining why a tax bias against saving and investment makes no sense. I’ll now have to mention that the beleaguered orchard owner also has to deal with 5,000 regulatory restrictions.

    Reprinted from International Liberty.


    Daniel J. Mitchell

    Daniel J. Mitchell is a Washington-based economist who specializes in fiscal policy, particularly tax reform, international tax competition, and the economic burden of government spending. He also serves on the editorial board of the Cayman Financial Review.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.