• Tag Archives government
  • Science Has a Major Fraud Problem. Here’s Why Government Funding Is the Likely Culprit

    President Biden’s 2024 budget includes over $210 billion directed toward federal research and development, an approximately $9 billion increase from 2023 funding. That might not sound particularly bad—after all, who doesn’t like science and innovation?

    But, although seemingly noble, the billions pumped into the US government’s National Science Foundation don’t always translate into finding cures for debilitating diseases, or developing groundbreaking technologies.

    In recent years, although technology and peer-review techniques have become more widespread, fraud has remained a consistent issue. The problem has gotten so out of hand that world-class researchers and medical ethics analysts believe the public should be aware of the widespread inaccuracies plaguing medicine.

    Dr. Richard Smith, the former editor-in-chief of the BMJ and cofounder of the Committee on Medical Ethics (COPE), details,

    Health professionals and journal editors reading the results of a clinical trial assume that the trial happened and that the results were honestly reported. But about 20% of the time, said Ben Mol, professor of obstetrics and gynecology at Monash Health, they would be wrong. As I’ve been concerned about research fraud for 40 years, I wasn’t as surprised as many would be by this figure, but it led me to think that the time may have come to stop assuming that research actually happened and is honestly reported, and assume that the research is fraudulent until there is some evidence to support it having happened and been honestly reported.

    Independent analysis done by J. B. Carlisle confirms Dr. Smith’s suspicions. As Carlisle analyzed dozens of government-funded control trials, he found a staggering 44% contained false data. These findings are swept under the rug by most mainstream news outlets, which is a problem in itself. If government-funded research produces such sloppy results, the taxpayers funding it at least deserve to know the outcomes of the experiments they paid for.

    To understand why government-funded research tends to be so inaccurate, it’s crucial to look at history and remember how government involvement in research started.

    It all ties back to the National Science Foundation (NSF), one of the first government agencies built for funding science. In the late 1940s, one of the most outspoken supporters of the NSF was Democratic Senator Harley Kilgore. His motivations were clear: the NSF was to provide the government with a pool of educated researchers that could be used for strategic purposes during the Cold War. Scientific inquisition was never the primary purpose of the NSF.

    In addition to this, the system of “checks and balances” in scientific research is completely off-kilter. Private journals risk damage to their reputation if it is revealed that they have published fraudulent research. Privately funded journals compete to be the best among pools of hundreds of other publications. To maintain legitimacy in the eyes of future researchers and funders, publishing high quality research is in the private journal’s self-interest.

    Academic institutions funded by governments, on the other hand, are motivated to shield their researchers, as researchers play a crucial role in securing substantial grant funding for the institution, often reaching into the millions of dollars. Government exists in a playing field outside the private sector—they aren’t competing against other specialized journals. Because they aren’t specialized and fund a wide array of projects, they can often afford to let “a few bad apples” through (unfortunately, at the expense of taxpayers).

    The source of funding also undoubtedly (at the very least subconsciously) sways the research outcomes. There are several ways the government introduces bias into research. For one, the state often ignores certain scientific queries, forcing researchers to adopt different hypotheses or study different questions to gain any funding. Without any market forces guiding research and development, study objectives start aligning more with the interests of bureaucrats and less with the interests of patients.

    Government agencies also don’t want to fund proposals that contradict the agency’s political ideas. If the research’s outcome even slightly threatens the government’s power, funding is likely to be cut off, often for extended periods. These outcomes are clearest when it comes to funding regarding the social sciences and economics, but also occur with life science research. 34% percent of scientists receiving federal funding have acknowledged engaging in research misconduct to align research with their funder’s political and economic agenda. Moreover, a mere 24% of these researchers have disclosed these ethically questionable research practices to their supervisors.

    This incentive structure also explains why there is a limited amount of research into the accuracy of government-funded research. Many researchers are simply too afraid of the funding and reputational consequences that come with revealing problems with government funding. When there is research into federal funding bias, it is often concentrated on very specific and politically divisive topics (such as the use of stem cells). A team of researchers at the CATO Institute found just 44 Google Scholar articles from 2010-2014 that dealt with this type of government bias influencing research.

    The government’s overpowering role in science simultaneously crowds out private sources of funding. Despite this, there is some good news: the private sector is getting more and more involved in scientific funding by the day.

    Globally, 70% of science is financed privately. Charities like the American Cancer Foundation and Howard Hughes Medical Institute collectively contribute billions of dollars to spurring innovation in their respective fields.

    For example, renowned neurologist Dr. Helen Mayberg’s research into deep brain stimulation as a depression treatment wasn’t supported by government grants. Instead, private sources funded her research. Yet, her discoveries led to additional trials and eventually breakthroughs in the way depression is treated.

    Most Americans treat government-funded science as the holy grail of scientific research, but it truly isn’t. Without proper market signals guiding the direction of research, millions of tax dollars are lost, and thousands of hours of scientific research are wasted. As Milton Friedman explained regarding government funding of science, “The scientific ability of really able people is being diverted from the goals they would like to pursue themselves to the goals of government officials.” It’s up to the next generation to decide who they trust more: scientists, or the state?


    Ulyana Kubini

    Ulyana Kubini is a Ukrainian-American entrepreneur and political activist.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • Bitcoin Is a Great Counterpoint to Calls for Government Innovation Subsidies

    Bitcoin Is a Great Counterpoint to Calls for Government Innovation Subsidies

    Title: How Bitcoin Highlights the Problem with Innovation Subsidies

    Subtitle: The story of bitcoin shows us that true innovation follows its own path.

    Abstract: If bitcoin is a specific case that exposes the general flaw in innovation economics, what other opportunities are being suppressed or missed because capital is being misallocated by innovation subsidies?

    Dave Birnbaum

    Have you heard of “innovation economics?” This relatively new school of thought represents a shift away from traditional economic theories, and emphasizes entrepreneurship, technological innovation, and, you might have already guessed, government intervention as key drivers of economic growth.

    Since one of the members of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors subscribes to the concept of innovation economics, understanding this school of thought may help us interpret or even anticipate policymaker’s decisions that will affect us all.

    Rooted in the ideas of thinkers like Joseph Schumpeter, this framework seeks to recognize the importance of innovation to an economy, not just the management of resources, and provides a theoretical framework for how to encourage and accelerate the creation of new technologies, products, and services.

    Unlike classical economics, which focuses on equilibrium, innovation economics sees economies as dynamic and continuously evolving. While it’s true that the economy is a dynamic system, its proponents take this a step further, arguing that targeted government support can stimulate technological advancement, productivity growth, and economic progress.

    This approach has shaped policies in the United States over the past 20 years. Proponents point to the America COMPETES Act, STEM education initiatives, and technological research and development grants as notable outcomes.

    However, when you strip back the jargon, it becomes clear that innovation economics is just a new veneer on an age-old concept: government picking winners and losers. It is centralized industrial policy making updated with the trappings of the 21st century, and nets out to yet another form of state capitalism. The clear evidence for this can be found in an unlikely place: bitcoin.

    A decentralized digital currency that is radically improving the world economy, bitcoin’s story is remarkable. In 15 short years, a moonshot to create a universal honest ledger has been adopted by hundreds of millions of people, and even nation-states. It is sound money that can be sent anywhere in the world, and promises change that both sides of the political aisle could get behind, from healthy market competition in the financial sector, to protection from exploitation for the populations of poor countries.

    Ironically, bitcoin would be an ideal candidate for an innovation subsidy, given the tremendous positive impact it could have once key technical problems are solved. Its potential to revolutionize the financial system, enhance privacy, and democratize finance makes it a game-changer. And, although there is a robust commercial and industrial ecosystem evolving naturally around bitcoin, there is no question that the ecosystem would develop faster if it were subsidized.

    However, the benefits offered by bitcoin come at a cost to the power of state apparata, which depend on seigniorage (profiting from money-printing) as a key lever of power. Whatever you think of bitcoin and its long-term prospects, there’s no question that if it were to succeed, it would obviate the need for government-controlled fiat currencies and the central banks that issue them, and reduce the power of the state over the economy.

    Hence, even though bitcoin subsidies would seem to be consistent with the stated objective of innovation economics of helping people, bitcoin would never receive government support precisely because it works against the government’s interest in maintaining control over fiat currency. This exposes a congenital defect of innovation economics—it must be biased towards preserving the power and control of those who decide what to subsidize.

    This leads to a broader question that the reader must ponder. If bitcoin is a specific case that exposes the general flaw in innovation economics, what other opportunities are being suppressed or missed because capital is being misallocated by innovation subsidies?

    The story of bitcoin, an innovation that emerged and thrived without government support, serves as a sobering reminder that true innovation often follows its own path.

    Furthermore, it is not possible for the government to pick winners and losers in the innovation race without prejudice or self-interest. While innovation economics has alluring promises and can point to specific successes, it fails to escape the biases and conflicts that inevitably arise from government intervention.

    Despite its modern facade and claimed successes, the theory of innovation economics falls short of delivering an unbiased, effective path to technological innovation. The specific case of bitcoin, coupled with the general potential for missed opportunities due to biased capital allocation, calls into question the very foundations of this approach. Policymakers and economists would do well to carefully consider these flaws.


    Dave Birnbaum

    Dave Birnbaum is the product director at Coinbits, where he leads a team that is making Bitcoin user-friendly for the next generation of Bitcoiners.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • Why Government Spending Is Bad for the Economy

    On Monday, President Biden announced $42 billion in funding to build internet infrastructure across the country, with the goal of getting every American connected to the internet by 2030. This is the “largest internet funding announcement in history,” the White House proudly noted, comparing it to FDR’s Rural Electrification Act of 1936, which provided federal loans that helped bring electricity to rural areas of the US.

    Officially known as the Broadband Equity Access and Deployment (BEAD) program, the initiative aims to bring high-speed internet to the roughly 8.5 million households and small businesses that are still lacking this infrastructure. “High-speed internet is no longer a luxury,” the White House said. “It is necessary for Americans to do their jobs, to participate equally in school, access health care, and to stay connected with family and friends.”

    While it’s easy to see the benefits of increased internet access, the price for taxpayers isn’t exactly cheap. Doing the math, Rep. Thomas Massie pointed out that it will cost about $4,941 for each family that is connected to the internet. By contrast, Elon Musk’s Starlink can do the job for $599 per family, he noted.

    Implementation questions aside, it’s worth asking, is this a good policy? Is it wise for the government to be spending money on these kinds of projects in general? Well, I suppose it depends on what we mean by “good.” If “good” means funneling money to special-interest groups—as pretty much all government spending is designed to do—then yes, it will do that quite well. But if it means beneficial for the welfare of the masses, there are good reasons to believe spending projects like this actually work against that aim rather than facilitate it.

    To understand why, we need to discuss a bit of economics.

    One of the most important concepts in economics is the idea of scarcity. Our wants exceed our resources, which means there will always be trade-offs. Money spent on one initiative is money that can’t be spent elsewhere. There is no such thing as a free lunch.

    This is just as true for government spending as it is for anything else. Though it’s easy to focus on the benefits—in this case, the internet infrastructure that would be created—the good economist trains himself to see the hidden costs, the lost opportunities, the things that could have been funded and would have been built if only the money hadn’t been spent on the project in question.

    Henry Hazlitt stressed this point in his book Economics in One Lesson. “Either immediately or ultimately,” he wrote, “every dollar of government spending must be raised through a dollar of taxation. Once we look at the matter in this way, the supposed miracles of government spending will appear in another light.”

    Though everyone would agree in principle that you can’t get something for nothing, it seems this truth gets completely forgotten the moment government spending comes up. “How could you be against internet infrastructure?” people might say. “Don’t you care about internet access?” Of course I do. But I also recognize that money spent on internet access is money that can’t be spent on food, healthcare, education, or housing. And unlike the proponents of these programs, I don’t presume to know what consumers most urgently need.

    If people are managing fine without the internet but are desperate for more healthcare services, spending resources on more internet when those resources could have been used for more healthcare isn’t really helping. To take an extreme example, if I thought people really needed more pineapples, I could spend billions of dollars on pineapple infrastructure. And it’s true, there would be much better access to pineapples. But think of all the waste! So many more important things could have been created with those resources, but instead the most urgent wants are left unfulfilled because some politician thought pineapples were a higher priority for those funds than anything else.

    The question, then, is not whether internet access is important. The question is whether it is more important than the alternatives. The mere existence of a benefit justifies nothing. The benefit must outweigh the cost. It must be more important than the opportunities that are foregone to achieve it.

    So, how do we systematically determine which uses of resources are the most valuable to consumers? With the government, this is impossible. Politicians and planners are simply “groping in the dark,” as the economist Ludwig von Mises put it. Sure, they’ve got all sorts of statistics, but the statistics paint at best a blurry picture of the relative needs of consumers.

    Fortunately, there is an alternative: the market. On the market, profits and losses signal to entrepreneurs the relative value consumers place on different goods and services. These signals lead to a remarkable coordination between the needs of consumers and what gets produced. It’s not perfect, of course, but at least there is a mechanism for rationally allocating resources to meet the most urgent needs of consumers as best as possible.

    Government spending is at best a zero-sum game. It is taking resources that could have been used on one thing and using them on something else instead. But in practice it’s almost always worse than that, because market allocations tend to reflect the needs of consumers far better than government allocations. Thus, government spending inevitably wastes resources, directing them to the proverbial pineapple industry rather than the things consumers need most.

    And it’s not like this issue can just be fixed with better managers. The managers aren’t the problem. It’s the system that’s the problem. As the economist Murray Rothbard noted in Power and Market, “The well-known inefficiencies of government operation are not empirical accidents, resulting perhaps from the lack of a civil-service tradition. They are inherent in all government enterprise.”

    When free-market proponents push back on government spending initiatives like the recent internet access program, we are often accused of being “against” whatever that initiative is trying to achieve. In this case, people will probably say we are “against internet access.” Here Biden is trying to do something nice to improve the welfare of American citizens, and we just want to stop him, presumably because we are heartless souls who hate paying taxes and don’t care about other people’s well-being.

    But this is simply a leftist narrative, one that has little basis in reality. Frédéric Bastiat called out this kind of thinking in his 1850 book The Law.

    “Socialism, like the ancient ideas from which it springs, confuses the distinction between government and society. As a result of this, every time we object to a thing being done by government, the socialists conclude that we object to its being done at all. We disapprove of state education. Then the socialists say that we are opposed to any education. We object to a state religion. Then the socialists say that we want no religion at all. We object to a state-enforced equality. Then they say that we are against equality. And so on, and so on. It is as if the socialists were to accuse us of not wanting persons to eat because we do not want the state to raise grain.”

    The fact is, free-market proponents do care about human welfare. In fact, it is precisely because we care that we are against government spending! The question is not whether to have government-funded initiatives or let people suffer, but whether to have the government or the market allocate resources.

    A proper understanding of economics, we believe, leads to the conclusion that market allocations tend to be better for the well-being of everyone than government allocations. Thus, far from being an act of misanthropy, our opposition to government spending actually stems from the very concern for human welfare that the left erroneously thinks they have a monopoly on.

    This article was adapted from an issue of the FEE Daily email newsletter. Click here to sign up and get free-market news and analysis like this in your inbox every weekday.


    Patrick Carroll

    Patrick Carroll has a degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Waterloo and is an Editorial Fellow at the Foundation for Economic Education.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.