• Tag Archives Canada
  • Canada’s Ailing National Healthcare Is Not a Model for America

    Earlier this month, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau began a US-Canada economic summit designed to improve his country’s economic climate.

    Canada’s political landscape is shifting. After nearly a decade in office, Trudeau has announced his resignation, with the Party leadership election scheduled for March 9. He will leave behind a country that has been grappling with a decade of disillusionment. Trudeau’s legacy will be marred by soaring taxes and a Canadian economy that many now describe as being on “life support.”

    The country’s healthcare provision is the weakest part of its economy. For years, American reformers have idolized Canadian healthcare, touting it as the gold standard for universal care, and a model to replace an American system that is also broken. But the reality tells a starkly different story. In Canada, wait times are unmanageable, access to services is dwindling, and public trust is eroding. Recent data indicate that one in six Canadians lacks a regular family physician, and fewer than half can secure an appointment with a primary care provider within a day or two. This shortage has led to overwhelmed emergency rooms and significant delays in care. In 2023, more than 1.3 million Canadians abandoned emergency room visits due to excessive wait times. Some hospitals have even exceeded 200% capacity, forcing patients into hallways and onto floors.

    As Americans reckon with record deficits and runaway government spending, some voices are once again touting the Canadian example as cheaper and more effective than the US system. One of the loudest cheerleaders for Canada’s model is Wendell Potter, a former healthcare executive turned activist, who has lately been painting a utopian vision of Canada’s government-run healthcare in op-eds and interviews. But like all advocates of socialized medicine, Potter is peddling an illusion rather than reckoning with the harsh realities Canadians face daily.

    Consider the data. Patients in Canada often wait months for critical procedures. According to the Fraser Institute, the median wait time for medically necessary treatments in 2022 was over 27 weeks—nearly double what it was in 1993. For many Canadians, timely access to care is not a guarantee but a gamble. For patients with life-threatening conditions, these delays can mean the difference between recovery and irreversible harm.

    The deterioration of Canada’s healthcare has not gone unnoticed by its citizens. Recent polls show that dissatisfaction with healthcare is at an all-time high, with many Canadians now exploring private care options to bypass the public system’s inefficiencies. Some 75% of Canadians now believe their nation’s healthcare is in crisis. “Free” healthcare costs the average citizen nearly $9,000 a year in taxes, and people who once championed Medicare are acknowledging its shortcomings.

    The problems plaguing Canadian healthcare are deeply rooted in its design. A single-payer arrangement relies on the government (i.e., the taxpayer) as the sole payer for healthcare services, ostensibly ensuring universal access. But basic economics predicts two problems. First, as sticker prices fall (because a portion of the cost is subsidized by taxpayers), demand will increase. Second, as the government does not respond to market forces, there is no incentive for supply to grow.

    When demand outpaces supply, as it has in Canada, the limitations become glaringly obvious. Hospitals face chronic underfunding, staffing shortages are widespread, and technological investments lag behind those of other developed nations. Despite a population of 40 million, there are only 432 MRI machines in the country. The US has more than 13,000. These structural issues lead to the long wait times and reduced access that have become hallmarks of Canadian healthcare.

    Another alarming consequence of these failures is the rising use of Medical Assistance in Dying (MAID). Reports have emerged of patients feeling pressured into considering euthanasia due to inadequate access to care. Since its legalization in 2016, MAID has accounted for 4% of deaths in Canada, and some fear that systemic healthcare failures are influencing these decisions. Scarce resources must be allocated somehow; if markets can’t encourage increased supply, rationing will take place through waiting. Or worse.

    Meanwhile, advocates of Canada’s model argue that the American system is broken because it prioritizes profit over care. There is certainly room for reform in the US. But US healthcare is anything but a free-market wonder (or the market dystopia condemned by its detractors). Before the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 (“Obamacare”), more than half of US healthcare expenditures were already funded by various government sources. If we add a tangled web of regulations and distortions, it’s no wonder that prices are so high. No country’s healthcare is without flaws, but Canada’s current crisis should serve as a cautionary tale rather than an aspiration.

    By romanticizing Canada’s healthcare system, advocates of fully nationalized healthcare gloss over the lived experiences of countless Canadians struggling to access essential care. Their narrative does little to address the failures that have led to this crisis, offering a one-sided view of American healthcare that conveniently ignores the shortcomings of the alternative.

    Whether the US-Canada summit delivers meaningful solutions or simply serves as a political farewell tour remains to be seen. In any event, Trudeau’s resignation signals a new chapter for Canada, and it is an opportune moment to confront the mythologies surrounding its policies—particularly its healthcare system. Canada offers a cautionary tale of what happens when lofty ideals collide with practical realities. The cracks in Canada’s healthcare model are too large to ignore.

    The lesson is clear for Americans still enamored with replicating Canada’s single-payer arrangement—be careful what you wish for. Promising universal access but failing to deliver timely care is not a model worth emulating. Canada’s healthcare crisis is a wake-up call for its citizens and anyone who believes in the promise of universal care. As Trud­eau’s political legacy fades, the urgent task of addressing Canada’s failures remains. Advocates of full nationalization of healthcare would do well to shift their focus from selling dreams to confronting realities. Only then can the conversation about healthcare reform—on both sides of the border—begin to move in a meaningful direction.

    Healthcare in Canada, the US, and beyond needs more consumer choice, less regulation, and better-aligned incentives—not more socialism.

    Source: Canada’s Ailing National Healthcare Is Not a Model for America – FEE


  • Why Toronto Cops Are Advising Homeowners: Just Give Criminals Your Car Keys

    Image Credit: Pixabay

    One of my favorite movies growing up was RoboCop, Paul Verhoeven’s 1987 dystopian classic.

    The movie, which was probably way too violent for a 10-year-old, depicts a fictional future in which Detroit is ravaged by violent crime and on the verge of social collapse. The police are virtually powerless against the criminals, who are too numerous and better armed. Led by a particularly nasty crime lord named Clarence Boddicker (Kurtwood Smith), the crooks prey on helpless citizens.

    In one memorable scene, a member of Boddicker’s gang rolls up to a Shell station where a bespectacled clerk is doing geometry.

    “Give me all your money, bookworm, before I blow your brains out,” the gang member says, tapping his automatic weapon against the plexiglass.

    The clerk quickly puts down his compass and turns over the cash. Moments later, after filling up his motorcycle, the crook again approaches the clerk and appears poised to shoot. That’s when RoboCop shows up. 

    “Drop it,” he orders, raising his three-round burst pistol. “Dead or alive, you’re coming with me.”

    The scene has always stuck with me for some reason. Maybe it was the cruelty of the sawed-off gang member (“You a college boy or something?”). Maybe it was the patheticness of the mute clerk, who seemed so weak and helpless. But mostly, I think, it was the feeling of utter lawlessness the scene evoked.

    Lawlessness is an overarching theme in RoboCop. The city is out of control. Citizens can’t protect themselves, and the police aren’t much help. We see this early on when Murphy, the hero of the movie, tries to stop Boddicker’s gang and is blown to pieces (literally). What remains of Murphy’s body is reconstructed into a law-enforcing cyborg — RoboCop, half machine, half man — who is going to take on not just Boddicker and his gang but Dick Jones (Ronny Cox), the corporate villain who heads up OCP, the corporation that created him.

    RoboCop is a good enough flick for a kid, but the older I got, the more absurd the film felt. The villains are cartoonish, and the idea of a society imperiled by helpless citizens and weak police forces always seemed detached from reality. 

    At least it did.

    Toronto, Police, and Rotten Incentives

    A couple weeks ago news broke that Toronto police, facing a crime wave, have offered new instructions to citizens: leave your keys at the front door for criminals.

    “To prevent the possibility of being attacked in your home, leave your [key] fobs at your front door,” Const. Marco Ricciardi is heard telling citizens and reporters at a recent community meeting.

    When I first saw these claims on social media, I thought it must be fake news. But Toronto police confirmed it in a statement.

    “Police are concerned about an escalation in violence, where all sorts of weapons and firearms are being used to steal vehicles, and that includes during home invasions,” the statement reads.

    Police have a point about surging crime. Car thefts are up 25 percent over the last year in Toronto, news agencies report, and many of the crimes involve crooks breaking into homes and snagging car keys.

    When you watch the footage of masked attackers kicking in doors — many of whom are armed, according to police — one can see a certain logic to the guidelines. If the invaders find the keys quickly, it reduces the likelihood of an encounter between a homeowner and a potentially armed group of criminals.

    Still, there are obvious problems. Put aside for now that your car (and everything in it) is being stolen. There’s also the problem of incentives.

    We talk a lot about incentives (and disincentives) in economics. They are the drivers of human action. We make countless decisions every day, consciously and unconsciously, based on incentive structures around us. You needn’t be an economist to appreciate their power.

    “Incentive structures work, so you have to be very careful of what you incent people to do,” Steve Jobs told author Brent Schendler many years ago, “because various incentive structures create all sorts of consequences that you can’t anticipate.”

    The late Charlie Munger once said that if you showed him the incentive, he’d show you the result. And though incentives can get rather complicated, at their most basic level they are rather simple. A good incentive structure rewards good behavior and punishes bad.

    Anyone who has trained a dog or raised a child understands this. You don’t give a dog a treat after he poops on your carpet; you give him a treat after he sits (or does whatever task you want him to do). You might reward a child with ice cream for getting a good grade on a spelling test, but not for throwing a tantrum at the grocery store.

    Which brings me back to Toronto. By telling residents to leave their key fobs at the front door for criminals, police are essentially incentivizing burglary and theft. They are making it easier, not harder, to steal vehicles, diminishing the time it takes to commit the crime, thus lowering the risk involved.

    One needn’t have a Ph.D in economics to understand this is likely to have an obvious adverse effect: an increase in car theft and home invasions in the city.

    ‘The Inviolable Domicile’

    All of this is eerily reminiscent of RoboCop.

    When you watch the Toronto police video footage of criminals kicking down doors of homeowners, and you combine that with police officers telling homeowners simply to give their keys to car-jackers, I’m reminded of the lawlessness of RoboCop and the mute gas station attendant who was helpless against it.

    There’s something dystopian in normalizing this kind of violence, and in some ways it is darker and more depressing than RoboCop.

    The police in Verhoeven’s film may have been ineffective, but at least they were trying to fight back. This is in contrast to the Toronto Police Service, whose lengthy list of home invasion tips was conspicuously absent an obvious response: homeowners exercising their right of self-defense.

    This is strange, because the inviolability of the home is a legal concept that stretches back to before the birth of Christ.

    “What is there more holy,” asked Cicero, “than the house of each individual citizen? Here is his altar, here is his hearth, here are his household gods; here all his sacred rights, all his religious ceremonies, are preserved.”

    What we sometimes today refer to as the “castle doctrine” existed in the days of the Roman Republic.

    “The domicile was seen as inviolable,” the French historian Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges wrote in his celebrated history The Ancient City. “According to a Roman tradition, the domestic god repulsed the robber, and kept off the enemy.”

    The Not-So-Inviolable Domicile

    The legal right to protect one’s home, with defensive violence if necessary, is a concept more than 2,000 years old in the Western tradition. And it’s a legal precept you’ll find not just in the US but in Canadian legal charters.

    “A person’s home is inviolable,” Sec. 7 of Quebec’s Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms explicitly states.

    Apparently, not everyone sees the home as inviolable, even against violent intruders.

    “You can’t use a gun for self-protection in Canada,” Prime Minister Justin Trudeau flatly stated in 2022. “It’s not a right that you have.”

    This isn’t true, however. The Canadian government might not allow you to cite self-defense as a reason to obtain a firearm, but Canadians do have the right to defend themselves and their property, so long as the actions are deemed “defensive” and “reasonable.”

    This right was recently tested when a 22-year-old Ontario man, Ali Mian, opened fire on a group of men who broke into his home and attacked his mother. One intruder was killed, and Mian was charged with second-degree murder. The charge was later withdrawn, however, apparently after prosecutors realized the shooting was a textbook case of self-defense.

    Canada’s demonstrated legal protections for self-defense only make Trudeau’s callous dismissal of them all the more peculiar.

    After all, the right to self-defense has a broad popular appeal and a rich intellectual tradition. It is present in the Bible and defended by thinkers as diverse as Confucius, Mencius, and Malcom X, who bluntly stated, “I am not against using violence in self-defense.”

    The philosopher John Locke carved out perhaps the most robust defense of the right of self-protection in his Second Treatise on Civil Government:

    I should have a right to destroy that which threatens me with destruction: for, by the fundamental law of nature, man being to be preserved as much as possible, when all cannot be preserved, the safety of the innocent is to be preferred: and one may destroy a man who makes war upon him.

    Despite the rich tradition and popular appeal of the right of self-defense, Trudeau and many others remain hostile to it, which is no doubt why Toronto police declined to recommend defensive force as a deterrent to home intrusion.

    This hostility likely stems from a number of sources, but in Trudeau’s case it is perhaps best explained by his disdain for individual rights, particularly property rights and the right to bear arms.

    Critics of self-defense and gun rights have noted that for many, “the gun is the premier mark of individual sovereignty.” Yet many progressives see individual rights and individual sovereignty as a threat to the collective good; so the rights of individuals must be curbed and subordinated, as Trudeau has done with recent gun control legislation.

    Unfortunately, placing the “collective good” above individual rights is a path toward dystopia and dysfunction. Individual rights — including the right to protect oneself and one’s home, and also to bear arms — are the wellspring of freedom. And freedom is the fountain of prosperity, civilization, and progress.

    Departing from this tradition is how you end up with a society where individuals are unable to legally protect their own homes from violent criminals. Many will argue that this is why we have police, but the obvious problem is that police cannot protect everyone, certainly not with the immediacy that is needed in the midst of a burglary.

    Unlike the citizens in RoboCop, Canadians can’t count on a cybernetic policeman to defend them from violent actors. 

    Even worse, they’re being discouraged from protecting themselves and their homes by a government so hostile to individual rights and self-defense that it’s advising them simply to turn their property over to their attackers.

    It’s not hard to see where this will go if Canada continues down this path.

    This article originally appeared in AIER’s Daily Economy.

    Source: Why Toronto Cops Are Advising Homeowners: Just Give Criminals Your Car Keys – FEE


  • Why Justin Trudeau Is Blaming Grocers for Surging Food Prices in Canada

    New government data emerged this week showing that food prices in Canada continue to climb.

    Though year-over-year inflation of consumer prices overall cooled to 3.8% in September, food prices increased 5.8% from a year ago, driven by surging prices of bakery products (up 8%), fresh vegetables (7.6%), pasta products (10.8%), and poultry (6.5%).

    Food prices have long been a sore spot for Canadians. Even prior to 2023, statistics showed that some 7 million Canadians, including 1.8 million children, were in households struggling to put food on the table.

    As inflation continued to drive food prices upward in 2023, consumer outrage quickly mounted.

    “If I’m paying that much, I hope there’s gold in that chicken,” one user responded to a viral tweet in January showing a $37 price tag on a package of chicken breasts.

    The episode prompted accusations of price gouging and a high-profile story in the New York Times — but the paper reported that outrage at grocers was misplaced.

    “While it’s easy to get angry at the grocer, there’s very little evidence that the grocers are actually taking advantage of the situation,” said Mike von Massow, a food economics professor at the University of Guelph in Ontario.

    Food prices have only gotten worse since then, and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, apparently not a reader of the New York Times, has found the same scapegoat as many others unversed in basic economics: grocers.

    Last month, Trudeau threatened to slap grocery stores with new taxes if they don’t find a way to lower food prices.

    “Large grocery chains are making record profits. Those profits should not be made on the backs of people who are struggling to feed their families,” Trudeau told an Ontario crowd.

    By taking aim at grocers and “record profits,” Trudeau is parroting the rhetoric of some U.S. politicians, including Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), who has argued that inflation is being driven by “corporate greed.”

    The idea that corporations suddenly became greedy in the aftermath of the pandemic never passed the economic smell test, and it was recently rebutted in a Federal Reserve paper.

    “Corporate profit margins were not abnormally high in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, once fiscal and monetary interventions are accounted for,” noted Dino Palazzo, senior economist at the Federal Reserve Board.

    Yet politicians such as Trudeau, who less than a year ago criticized the idea of using a windfall tax on grocery companies to lower food prices, have repeated the claim over and over again that greedy corporations are the root cause of inflation. Why?

    The answer is simple: the true blame for inflation lies with them.

    Pierre Poilievre, leader of Canada’s Conservative Party, hit the nail on the head in a recent interview when he pointed out that the Canadian government’s policies are to blame for inflation — as are those who lead it.

    “[Trudeau] prints $600 billion, grows our money supply by 32% in three years,” Poilievre said. “That’s growing the money eight times faster than the economy. No wonder we have the worst inflation in four decades.”

    This is the mystery of inflation. (It’s not really a mystery.) Politicians and central banks flooded the economy with money, which devalued the currency.

    Basic economics teaches that increasing the money supply faster than an economy can provide new goods and services will result in price inflation, and that is precisely what we’ve witnessed. Indeed, for much of modern history, inflation was defined as expansion of the money supply, not an increase in prices (which is the consequence of expanding the money supply). Henry Hazlitt famously explained the difference in Economics in One Lesson.

    “Inflation is an increase in the quantity of money and credit. Its chief consequence is soaring prices,” Hazlitt explained. “Therefore inflation — if we misuse the term to mean the rising prices themselves — is caused solely by printing more money.”

    Politicians such as Trudeau cannot, of course, admit it’s their own policies and money printing that are to blame for high food prices. So they hold speeches blaming grocery stores and food producers for the inflation they caused and threaten them with new taxes.

    Whether Canadians will see through Trudeau’s crude charade is unclear. What is clear is that Canadian grocers are not responsible for the skyrocketing price of food in Canada. Justin Trudeau and the Bank of Canada are.

    This article originally appeared on The Washington Examiner


    Jon Miltimore

    Jonathan Miltimore is the Editor at Large of FEE.org at the Foundation for Economic Education.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.