• Tag Archives freedom
  • My Freedom Trumps Your Fake Mandate

    My Freedom Trumps Your Fake Mandate

    The election of Donald Trump proved to be a major upset of a political and media establishment blinded by hubris. The establishment took their superiority—technological, cultural, economic, moral, etc—for granted and paid the price. They believed they had a mandate to rule and influence the people by virtue of this supposed superiority, but were proven otherwise.

    In particular, the fact that Donald Trump’s demotic speech and use of social media bodes well for the future of political debate, left and right alike. What many considered to be Trump’s inarticulate babble ultimately supplanted the refined propaganda techniques of the elite. Donald Trump is certainly an excellent self-promoter, but at least he didn’t sell himself to the masses like soap or the latest pop music phenom in crisp packaging and poll-tested slogans. Trump’s victory was, in a way, a vindication of the everyman’s manner of speaking and his place in the political sphere, and I say this despite my reservations with Trump’s agenda.

    Power gives us a guarantee,” the people will chant, “and set us free from the risks of liberty!”

    But, what if the establishment isn’t the only group taking their moral superiority and mandate to rule for granted? What if, in the heat of passion and resentment, the American people are taking their own ideals for granted?

    How long can America remain a free society if all we do is pay lip-service to the cornerstone of the American republic—the presumption of individual liberty—without truly defining or defending liberty in the first place? How long can America remain exceptional if we only presume ourselves free and morally superior while demanding the government to act in any way “the people” please, contra the nation’s founding ideals?

    If the establishment could be so blind to their impending folly, could the same thing happen to the United States in terms of its standing as a free society? How can any president or Congress have a mandate to rule when they fail to respect the basic point and purpose of American government—to protect individual rights?

    How a Free People Can Come to Love Their Serfdom

    Say, you thought the human race could not be trusted with their freedom. How would you go about subjugating a people proud of their liberty?

    If you tried to do so by sheer force, you would most likely be unsuccessful. Once a people have tasted liberty, they tend to be willing to die to keep it—that is, if they do not kill you first. Resistance to your overt suppressions would be spontaneous and fluid. You would be trying to stop a river with your bare hands. Every single stamp of your boot would create multitudes of martyrs and scores of new enemies devoted to ending your tyrannical aspirations.

    Even if you somehow found victory through brute force, your legitimacy would hang by a thread. “Might makes right” is not only a dead letter among thinking men but an invidious invitation to imposters and imitators ready to supplant your rule. Not even tyrants wish to sleep with one eye open night after night. Even they wish to dream in peace once in awhile.

    But, what if, instead of this conspicuously violent approach, you were able to put the people themselves to sleep, to hypnotize them? What if you were able to trick a free people into deceiving themselves? What if, in the name of freedom, you could convince a people to forsake their freedom? What if you could nudge them into a suicide pact in the hope of avoiding national suicide?

    All concerns are now seen as worthy altars upon which to sacrifice human liberty–as long as they are popular enough.

    To do so, you would need to confuse people into thinking their liberty was merely a matter of sharing in the promises of power—say, convince them their right to vote and dictate the lives of others was more important than their individual right to think, speak, and act freely—and then watch their lust for this power make them regard liberty with jealousy and fear.

    You would also need to suggest liberty is just another good in the marketplace of ideas rather than the cornerstone of a just society. You could claim liberty should be “balanced” or even sacrificed for the sake of security, wealth, health, equality, or the nation’s greatness. You could do this until the people themselves start singing the same chorus that all the solutions to all the world’s ills have a price tag marked with “our freedom.”

    Power gives us a guarantee,” the people will chant, “and set us free from the risks of liberty!”

    Has “What if?” Become Reality?

    What if this scenario isn’t merely a hypothetical, but a creeping reality?

    Unfortunately, I fear much of the American electorate has reached this point—fearful and jealous of liberty yet hopeful in the promise of power to save them from the ills of the world—and thus, the people are willing to trade their liberties and trample on the liberties of others for the sake of security or even simply keeping the opposition party out of power. In contravention of their constitutional traditions and founding based upon the presumption of liberty, the American people have come to accept a system of government that defines authority not by virtue of individual rights, not by individual moral standards regarding political force, but by the idea that the might and desires of the collective supersedes all other considerations.

    As Ayn Rand wrote of the American founding,

    “The most profoundly revolutionary achievement of the United States of America was the subordination of society to moral law. The principle of man’s individual rights represented the extension of morality into the social system—as a limitation on the power of the state, as man’s protection against the brute force of the collective, as the subordination of might to right.”

    Two centuries of democratic competition and reform has nearly shattered this noble notion that the collective is restrained by individual rights. Caught up in their right to vote rather than their right to live freely, the American people are slowly committing suicide, chipping away at the libertarian values that make America exceptional in the first place. And the few restraints that still hold true are being threatened with each successive election cycle.

    The great flaw in the American system is this: in rightfully constraining the power of government institutions, “the will of the people” has broken loose from any notion of restraint. Much like kings and emperors of old, “the people” have come to see themselves as the sovereign possessing an authority above not only their constitution but also the presumption of liberty.

    Trump has no mandate to violate the rights of anyone, no matter how many people voted for him to do so.

    Each voter may vote as he or she pleases for any reason: for health, for safety, for religion, for happiness, for efficiency, for equality, for jobs, for war, for a candidate’s speaking style, for a candidate’s hometown, for a candidate’s physical attractiveness, for a candidate’s race, for a candidate’s gender, so on and so forth.

    Take your pick.

    All concerns are now seen as worthy altars upon which to sacrifice human liberty–as long as they are popular enough in the eyes of the sovereign public. Democratic law has become justified by the mere might of the majority and by the notion that questions of truth and justice are to be decided by the majority’s authority. Such is a blind and foolish surrender to the idea that “might makes right” masquerading as justice, as law, and as liberty!

    Don’t Take Trump’s Mandate for Granted

    As a recent example of this surrender of liberty, President-elect, Donald Trump, said this on the campaign trail about his proposal to ban Muslims (but I’m sure this excuse applies to other policies as well,) “The Constitution, there’s nothing like it, but it doesn’t necessarily give us the right to commit suicide as a country. Okay?”

    Luckily, Judge Andrew Napolitano has addressed this trope that “the Constitution is not a suicide pact” by flipping the phrase on its head. Rather than the path of liberty being the road to national suicide, Napolitano begins his book, Suicide Pact, saying:

    “I am mocking those who misuse this statement by incorporating the most incendiary of its words into the title of this book. I intend the phrase ‘suicide pact’ to mean that a Constitution which permits the government to violate it and the president to do so secretly and with impunity is a suicide pact with the states that formed it and the American people whose freedoms it was intended to secure because it will result in such a loss of liberty that it will bring about self-immolation of our formerly free society—its suicide, if you will.”

    Therefore, despite Donald Trump’s recent victory, he and the GOP have no mandate whatsoever to violate the rights of Americans citizens and foreigners alike no matter how many people voted for them to do so. We cannot take for granted that America is exceptional just for being of, by, and for “the people.”

    What makes America exceptional and gives any American president his mandate is not simply the blessing of a given majority but his fealty to the Constitution and its presumption of American liberty. Any time the American government acts contra to its billing of protecting individual rights, it has no authority, no mandate, to do so.

    It is up to those of us who love liberty to remind people of this, that liberty is the cornerstone of our free society. If we fail to do this, we can expect American liberty to go the way of the recent American establishment, as just another forgotten loser, drowning in the wake of the people’s momentary desires for power.


    Joey Clark

    Joey Clark is a budding wordsmith and liberty lover. He blogs under the heading “The Libertarian Fool” at joeyclark.liberty.me. Follow him on Facebook.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • What Will Happen to Freedom in November? 

    The coming presidential election could cause a liberty lover to commit ritual seppuku. A left-wing corporatist, or possibly a self-described socialist, will face off against an unprincipled populist who supports big government and carries protectionist and anti-immigration banners.

    The usual gaggle of third parties are running with no hope of victory. Anti-Trump Republicans are concocting a plot to run an unknown apparatchik as an independent in hopes of either winning or at least preventing anyone else from winning the 270 necessary electoral votes, tossing the election into the House of Representatives. Who would control the latter body after such a race, and whom such a body would choose as chief executive, remain matters of conjecture.

    Whew!

    Thousands of years ago, the Bible warned people against putting their hopes in princes. That remains good advice today.

    Indeed, almost as soon as the Constitution was ratified, politicians ignored their oaths and broke the nation’s fundamental law when it was convenient to do so. The Alien and Sedition Acts, passed during John Adams’s presidency, would have done Hugo Chavez or Vladimir Putin proud.

    In succeeding years, men of principle vied with shameless opportunists to set US policy. The twin tragedies of slavery, which conflicted so greatly with America’s founding principles, and civil war, in which the central government killed promiscuously to hold people in political bondage (rather than to achieve the far more appealing objective of freeing the bondsmen), effectively destroyed the original Constitution.

    By the end of the 19th century, neither major political party could be trusted to protect liberty. Grover Cleveland, a Democrat, was one of the last liberals to be president. There was little, if any, difference between such “progressives” as Teddy Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, both friends of Leviathan. If Calvin Coolidge offered a step back toward more limited government, Herbert Hoover and Franklin Delano Roosevelt soon launched a series of grand national crusades.

    Since then, there has been sporadic but largely ineffective resistance to the ever-aggrandizing state, by Dwight Eisenhower and Ronald Reagan, for instance. However, Lyndon Johnson and Barack Obama both pushed dramatic increases in the welfare state. Republicans often have been as willing as Democrats to spend and regulate. Richard Nixon and George W. Bush were particularly enthusiastic advocates of expanded government.

    Maybe 2016 will offer a worse choice than usual, but maybe not. What to say of Michael Dukakis and Bill Clinton vs. George H.W. Bush, Bob Dole vs. Bill Clinton, Al Gore and John Kerry vs. George W. Bush, and John McCain and Mitt Romney vs. Barack Obama? Which of these candidates was dedicated to protecting individual liberty and limiting state power? None of them.

    Moreover, America has survived worse from politicians across the spectrum. Abraham Lincoln sacrificed the Constitution (and hundreds of thousands of lives) to prevent people from choosing a new political union. Teddy Roosevelt and his great rival Woodrow Wilson disdained even the idea of constitutional limits. Franklin Delano Roosevelt expanded on the defeated Herbert Hoover’s interventionist economic program, threatening the market economy he claimed to save.

    Relying on the inflated Democratic congressional majority, Lyndon Johnson carried on a policy of guns and butter while launching the misnamed “Great Society.” Richard Nixon converted to Keynesianism and expanded the regulatory state. Since then, government has continued to grow inexorably under Republicans and Democrats alike.

    Of course, some presidents and Congresses have proved to be better or worse than others. Sometimes it might make sense to support the lesser of evils. Nevertheless, past experience suggests that America wouldn’t look that much different with Chris Christie or Marco Rubio as president than Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump. Without question, government would be bigger, spending would be higher, regulations would be more extensive, additional wars would be fought, and people’s liberties would be further restricted. The details would differ, but government would shed more limits and individual freedom would suffer more abridgements. The country would be headed down the same path. Only the speed of descent would differ.

    Which means the various schemes being promoted by anti-Trump activists, even if successful, would not make that much long-term difference for liberty. What independent politician could win states from both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump? Probably someone better at promising more benefits than one interested in protecting individual liberty.

    Who would Congress, having approved big budgets and passed big programs, choose as the next president if the issue ended up in the House? Partisan loyalty, not commitment to liberty, would determine the outcome. Who would get the nod is not clear. But we can be sure that Rand Paul, Justin Amash, or another similarly minded freedom advocate would not end up in the White House.

    Lest reality seem unduly bleak, it’s important to remember what American liberty has survived: brutal political division and legal repression during the republic’s early years, invasion of the United States by Great Britain, decades of slavery undermining free institutions, a horrid civil war and consequent centralization of power in Washington, progressive takeover of liberal politics, aggressive redistributionist campaigns in the name of the New Deal and Great Society, and multiple wars feeding an ever-more powerful Leviathan. Compared to these, the prospect of a Clinton, Sanders, or Trump presidency doesn’t look quite so hopeless.

    It has often been said that eternal vigilance is necessary to safeguard our liberties. That remains the case today. Irrespective of who wins in November, those who love liberty must continue to act as sentinels for freedom. Upon them the future of the republic will depend.

    Source: What Will Happen to Freedom in November? | Foundation for Economic Education


  • We Can’t Save the Environment without Freedom

    The first Earth Day took place in 1970, when I was a high school senior, and that day set the course of my life for the next 25 years. Convinced of the need to protect the environment and realizing that forests were a key part of the environment in my home state of Oregon, I elected to attend forestry school, graduating in 1974.

    Over the next two decades, I helped almost every major environmental group in their efforts to save public forests from what we thought were the rapacious hands of timber companies. But I soon realized that the real problem was that Congress had inadvertently given public land agencies budgetary incentives to lose money harming the environment, and disincentives to either make money or do environmental good.

    This insight helped me see that creating markets for all resources would allow them to compete on a level playing field. Recreation fees, for example, could reward public land managers for protecting things that recreationists care about, such as scenery, diverse wildlife habitat, and clean water. Though economists estimated that recreation was worth more than any other public land resource, Congress didn’t allow managers to charge for most recreation.

    Many environmentalists in the 1970s and 1980s were receptive to my ideas of reform. Our common goal was to protect the environment, and they happily accepted any tools that would solve a particular environmental problem best. Soon, Congress passed a law allowing federal land agencies to charge recreation fees and to keep those fees.

    Unfortunately, things changed in the early 1990s because of two events: the fall of the Soviet Union and the election of Bill Clinton to the White House.

    Polls showed that the fall of the Soviet Union persuaded most Americans that government was a poor solution to most problems. One of the few exceptions was environmental protection, which many Americans still believed needed government regulation. This led many self-described “progressives,” who believe in more government control, to push their agenda by joining the environmental movement.

    Meanwhile, Clinton’s election changed the financing of the environmental movement. From 1981 through 1992, environmental groups raised much of their money by charging that Republicans in the White House threatened the environment. With a Democrat as president, grassroots funding for environmental groups plummeted.

    To make up the difference, most groups turned to foundation grants. But foundations demanded that the groups they funded all adopt the same strategy. Progressives took this opportunity to demand that their strategy — transferring power from on-the-ground forest managers to political appointees – be the one that was adopted. For example, they opposed recreation fees because, with everything controlled from Washington, they didn’t think they needed to rely on incentives.

    The progressive goal was not environmental protection but government control. They believed they knew how every acre of land in the country should be managed, which forests should be cut, which crops should be planted on which farms, and how many urbanites should live in apartments instead of single-family homes.

    The constitutional rights and personal desires of property owners, the expertise of public land managers, and the housing preferences of homebuyers were unimportant compared with the greater good that could be achieved through central control of our natural resources.

    When free-market environmentalists showed that most environmental problems could be solved with better incentives, progressives latched onto climate change as the one issue that demanded complete government control. “Climate change is a collective problem that demands collective action,” enthuses Naomi Klein, and it “supercharges the pre-existing case for virtually every progressive demand on the books.”

    Giving government power to solve a problem is not the same as actually solving the problem. Instead, that government is more likely to make the problem worse as it abuses its power.

    Full article: http://www.cato.org/ … ment-without-freedom