• Tag Archives economics
  • The 1983 Video Game Crash and a History Lesson for Lina Khan

    The video game industry is getting a lot of attention lately thanks to both exciting tech advancements and unprecedented interference by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). The sector has witnessed substantial growth in recent years, which is why antitrust concerns are being raised by Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Chair, Lina Khan. It can often feel like ancient history, but video gaming’s future hasn’t always been so bright in the U.S. In fact, it was almost “game over” for the business at the start of the 1980s.

    The 1983 Video Game Crash, as it is known today by industry insiders, left the market for video games with no clear path to recovery. A primary culprit for the industry’s downfall was third party publishers, who were flooding the market with subpar products. Up until this time, Activision was a primary provider of video games, and with interest in gaming growing fast, other opportunistic firms sought to get in on the action by offering lower-priced, lower-quality games to consumers.

    Parents would scoop up a handful of these off-brand games for the price of one Activision video game, assuming that their kids would be thrilled. They quickly learn this was not the case.

    User reviews didn’t exist at this time and since parents weren’t consulting other children for feedback on the games being sold, it was hard to be clued in on what was worth buying.

    Trust in the gaming market dropped, and increasingly risk-averse consumers were hesitant to buy the top-shelf games for fear of being duped again.

    It wasn’t until Nintendo released the Nintendo Entertainment System in 1985 that interest in gaming rebounded. Super Mario Bros, along with other addictive games like Tetris, Atari’s Gauntlet, and Sega’s OutRun, restored interest and faith in gaming products. Since then, the industry has grown at an impressive rate.

    Access and options for gamers have dramatically improved thanks to tech innovations in mobile gaming, as well as the surge of engagement during the COVID-19 lockdowns. Consumers were particularly eager for novel in-home entertainment, and multiplayer as well as online-based gaming allowed them to connect and create affinity networks like never before. And though the pandemic was a nightmare for millions of Americans, gaming has been credited as “a positive force in the field of mental health.”

    Today gaming is big business, on track to be worth $321 billion by 2026, which is why Lina Khan and the FTC have their sights set on the sector. Since her appointment as FTC Chair by President Joe Biden, Khan has made clear her negative view of corporate growth, which is unfortunate, given that US gaming firms have yet to catch up with the likes of Japan’s Sony Interactive Entertainment Studios.

    The Japanese juggernaut’s long march toward market dominance solidified in 2020 when Sony released the Playstation 5 (PS5), which quickly became the global favorite for next-generation gaming consoles.

    In response, Microsoft’s US-based Xbox Games Studios went on defense, announcing its plan to purchase Activision-Blizzard in January 2022. The merger brought Guitar Hero, World of Warcraft, Call of Duty, Diablo, and Candy Crush Saga all under one roof. Microsoft’s interest, therefore, is unsurprising, but this mutually beneficial business transaction between Microsoft and Activision-Blizzard was enough to draw the attention and legal might of Lina Khan’s FTC.

    Instead of allowing Microsoft to improve its competitive stance against Sony, the FTC sought to block the merger. The legal battle turned out to be a huge waste of time and resources at taxpayers expense. What is particularly puzzling is the fact that other jurisdictions around the world were already greenlighting the deal, and yet our own government opposed an American firm’s advancement against a foreign entity with 70 percent market share.

    Fortunately for Microsoft, Khan’s claims against the merger carried little weight in court. Unfortunately for Khan, her failed filing has led many to call into question her understanding of business and antitrust law. For instance, the FTC asserted that the merger could result in Microsoft restricting Activision-Blizzard games only to Xbox consoles, an unconvincing claim given Microsoft’s standing commitment to maintain the distribution status quo with Sony.

    The hypocrisy was clear to gamers watching the case play out in court, who are most all aware that Sony’s popular title, The Last of Us, is only available on PlayStation consoles. And who is to say there is anything wrong with exclusivity in the first place?

    The role of the FTC is to ensure consumer welfare in the marketplace, and right now it seems Khan is willfully overstepping her authority. It’s unclear who exactly she thinks the FTC is protecting in slowing down Microsoft. The FTC’s interference is delaying opportunities for gamers and developers at a time when creativity for gaming content is really taking off. Although the 2020 lockdowns surged interest in gaming users, the ability for developers to collaborate and curate new games has been hampered by remote work and other hardships brought on by the pandemic.

    If we have learned any lessons from the Video Game Crash of 1983, it should be that improvements in gaming access and quality should be encouraged, not derailed. Today’s gamers have high expectations for new and innovative experiences, and FTC interference only gets in the way of content development and distribution.

    Though the great gaming crash occurred just before Lina Khan was born, the FTC’s youngest chair in its history should familiarize herself with how this industry has survived and thrived since its inception. Gamers call the shots, and like other consumers, they’re the most powerful source of accountability for an industry supported by their hard-earned dollars.

    The FTC stepped far outside its lane at the expense of taxpayers, and one can only hope that a lesson was learned.


    Kimberlee Josephson

    Dr. Kimberlee Josephson is an Associate Professor of Business at Lebanon Valley College in Annville, Pennsylvania, and a Research Fellow for the Consumer Choice Center.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • Why the United States Lost Its AAA Credit Rating

    For the second time in its history, the United States saw its AAA rating on long-term debt downgraded by a credit rating firm.

    Fitch Ratings said the downgrade of the U.S., which is now rated AA+, “reflects the expected fiscal deterioration over the next three years, a high and growing general government debt burden, and the erosion of governance relative to ‘AA’ and ‘AAA’ rated peers over the last two decades that has manifested in repeated debt limit standoffs and last-minute resolutions.”

    In the wake of the downgrade, the first since S&P downgraded the U.S. in 2011 amid a similar debt-ceiling showdown, Democratic politicians and White House officials immediately attacked both Republicans and Fitch.

    “The downgrade by Fitch shows that House Republicans’ reckless brinksmanship and flirting with default has negative consequences for the country,” said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY).

    Meanwhile, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen slammed Fitch, calling the decision “flawed” and “entirely unwarranted.” She was echoed by press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre.

    “It defies reality to downgrade the United States at a moment when President Biden has delivered the strongest recovery of any major economy in the world,” Jean-Pierre said. (CNN inexplicably blamed the downgrade on Jan. 6, even though Fitch in its report made no mention of the event, which happened 2 1/2 years ago.)

    Perhaps such a reaction should not surprise us. Pointing fingers and blaming others is what politicians do best. Yet pointing fingers will not change a troubling reality: The federal government is facing a fiscal reckoning.

    Most people probably don’t even know that in June, the national debt hit $32 trillion. If you find this strange because it feels like only yesterday that the national debt was $20 trillion, you can be forgiven. It practically was.

    It was in 2017 that the national debt hit $20 trillion. You read that correctly: The U.S. government racked up an astonishing $12 trillion in six years. Sadly this spending frenzy will have serious consequences for the future of our children and grandchildren.

    The federal government is now shelling out an unprecedented amount of money to pay interest on its debt — $476 billion in 2022, an increase of 35% from the previous year.

    The nonpartisan Peter G. Peterson Foundation says Americans are likely to spend $9 trillion in interest on the debt over the next decade, making it perhaps the single largest federal expenditure in the coming years and crowding out other programs.

    Lawmakers in Washington seem oblivious to the threat. Despite record revenues, federal spending continues to outpace tax receipts at a growing rate. In May 2022, the Congressional Budget Office estimated the federal government would rack up $15.7 trillion in new debt over the next decade; this year, the CBO adjusted the figure to $19 trillion, largely because of legislative changes.

    This isn’t to say the debt-ceiling drama did not play a role in Fitch’s downgrade; it clearly did. What partisans are neglecting to tell you is that the standoff stemmed from the other causes Fitch alluded to in its downgrade — ”the expected fiscal deterioration” of the federal government and the “growing general government debt burden.”

    These are serious threats, and instead of pointing fingers at Fitch and Republicans, the White House and Schumer should be addressing them. Instead, Democrats are calling for student debt “cancellation,” Medicare for All, and a fatter Pentagon.

    There’s a troubling disconnect with reality here. It’s not unlike those who insist the historic inflation that began in 2021 stemmed from “corporate greed,” not trillions of dollars the Federal Reserve printed to flood the economy with money.

    The Biden administration is of course not solely to blame for this debt. But it’s time for leaders to get honest about this fiscal recklessness, which history shows is more difficult to correct than it might seem because of the perverse incentives and corruption it spawns.

    America’s Founding Fathers warned about such dangers. James Madison called public debt “a public curse, and in a Republican Government a greater curse than any other.” Benjamin Franklin called it a threat to liberty.

    To keep independence, “we must not let our rulers load us with perpetual debt,” warned Thomas Jefferson.

    People, especially leaders in Washington, have failed to heed these warnings. Sadly, it will be the generations of tomorrow who will pay if we fail to learn from our mistakes.

    This article originally appeared in The Washington Examiner.


    Jon Miltimore

    Jonathan Miltimore is the Editor at Large of FEE.org at the Foundation for Economic Education.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.


  • Why Government Spending Is Bad for the Economy

    On Monday, President Biden announced $42 billion in funding to build internet infrastructure across the country, with the goal of getting every American connected to the internet by 2030. This is the “largest internet funding announcement in history,” the White House proudly noted, comparing it to FDR’s Rural Electrification Act of 1936, which provided federal loans that helped bring electricity to rural areas of the US.

    Officially known as the Broadband Equity Access and Deployment (BEAD) program, the initiative aims to bring high-speed internet to the roughly 8.5 million households and small businesses that are still lacking this infrastructure. “High-speed internet is no longer a luxury,” the White House said. “It is necessary for Americans to do their jobs, to participate equally in school, access health care, and to stay connected with family and friends.”

    While it’s easy to see the benefits of increased internet access, the price for taxpayers isn’t exactly cheap. Doing the math, Rep. Thomas Massie pointed out that it will cost about $4,941 for each family that is connected to the internet. By contrast, Elon Musk’s Starlink can do the job for $599 per family, he noted.

    Implementation questions aside, it’s worth asking, is this a good policy? Is it wise for the government to be spending money on these kinds of projects in general? Well, I suppose it depends on what we mean by “good.” If “good” means funneling money to special-interest groups—as pretty much all government spending is designed to do—then yes, it will do that quite well. But if it means beneficial for the welfare of the masses, there are good reasons to believe spending projects like this actually work against that aim rather than facilitate it.

    To understand why, we need to discuss a bit of economics.

    One of the most important concepts in economics is the idea of scarcity. Our wants exceed our resources, which means there will always be trade-offs. Money spent on one initiative is money that can’t be spent elsewhere. There is no such thing as a free lunch.

    This is just as true for government spending as it is for anything else. Though it’s easy to focus on the benefits—in this case, the internet infrastructure that would be created—the good economist trains himself to see the hidden costs, the lost opportunities, the things that could have been funded and would have been built if only the money hadn’t been spent on the project in question.

    Henry Hazlitt stressed this point in his book Economics in One Lesson. “Either immediately or ultimately,” he wrote, “every dollar of government spending must be raised through a dollar of taxation. Once we look at the matter in this way, the supposed miracles of government spending will appear in another light.”

    Though everyone would agree in principle that you can’t get something for nothing, it seems this truth gets completely forgotten the moment government spending comes up. “How could you be against internet infrastructure?” people might say. “Don’t you care about internet access?” Of course I do. But I also recognize that money spent on internet access is money that can’t be spent on food, healthcare, education, or housing. And unlike the proponents of these programs, I don’t presume to know what consumers most urgently need.

    If people are managing fine without the internet but are desperate for more healthcare services, spending resources on more internet when those resources could have been used for more healthcare isn’t really helping. To take an extreme example, if I thought people really needed more pineapples, I could spend billions of dollars on pineapple infrastructure. And it’s true, there would be much better access to pineapples. But think of all the waste! So many more important things could have been created with those resources, but instead the most urgent wants are left unfulfilled because some politician thought pineapples were a higher priority for those funds than anything else.

    The question, then, is not whether internet access is important. The question is whether it is more important than the alternatives. The mere existence of a benefit justifies nothing. The benefit must outweigh the cost. It must be more important than the opportunities that are foregone to achieve it.

    So, how do we systematically determine which uses of resources are the most valuable to consumers? With the government, this is impossible. Politicians and planners are simply “groping in the dark,” as the economist Ludwig von Mises put it. Sure, they’ve got all sorts of statistics, but the statistics paint at best a blurry picture of the relative needs of consumers.

    Fortunately, there is an alternative: the market. On the market, profits and losses signal to entrepreneurs the relative value consumers place on different goods and services. These signals lead to a remarkable coordination between the needs of consumers and what gets produced. It’s not perfect, of course, but at least there is a mechanism for rationally allocating resources to meet the most urgent needs of consumers as best as possible.

    Government spending is at best a zero-sum game. It is taking resources that could have been used on one thing and using them on something else instead. But in practice it’s almost always worse than that, because market allocations tend to reflect the needs of consumers far better than government allocations. Thus, government spending inevitably wastes resources, directing them to the proverbial pineapple industry rather than the things consumers need most.

    And it’s not like this issue can just be fixed with better managers. The managers aren’t the problem. It’s the system that’s the problem. As the economist Murray Rothbard noted in Power and Market, “The well-known inefficiencies of government operation are not empirical accidents, resulting perhaps from the lack of a civil-service tradition. They are inherent in all government enterprise.”

    When free-market proponents push back on government spending initiatives like the recent internet access program, we are often accused of being “against” whatever that initiative is trying to achieve. In this case, people will probably say we are “against internet access.” Here Biden is trying to do something nice to improve the welfare of American citizens, and we just want to stop him, presumably because we are heartless souls who hate paying taxes and don’t care about other people’s well-being.

    But this is simply a leftist narrative, one that has little basis in reality. Frédéric Bastiat called out this kind of thinking in his 1850 book The Law.

    “Socialism, like the ancient ideas from which it springs, confuses the distinction between government and society. As a result of this, every time we object to a thing being done by government, the socialists conclude that we object to its being done at all. We disapprove of state education. Then the socialists say that we are opposed to any education. We object to a state religion. Then the socialists say that we want no religion at all. We object to a state-enforced equality. Then they say that we are against equality. And so on, and so on. It is as if the socialists were to accuse us of not wanting persons to eat because we do not want the state to raise grain.”

    The fact is, free-market proponents do care about human welfare. In fact, it is precisely because we care that we are against government spending! The question is not whether to have government-funded initiatives or let people suffer, but whether to have the government or the market allocate resources.

    A proper understanding of economics, we believe, leads to the conclusion that market allocations tend to be better for the well-being of everyone than government allocations. Thus, far from being an act of misanthropy, our opposition to government spending actually stems from the very concern for human welfare that the left erroneously thinks they have a monopoly on.

    This article was adapted from an issue of the FEE Daily email newsletter. Click here to sign up and get free-market news and analysis like this in your inbox every weekday.


    Patrick Carroll

    Patrick Carroll has a degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Waterloo and is an Editorial Fellow at the Foundation for Economic Education.

    This article was originally published on FEE.org. Read the original article.